Contrived Scarcity and Antitrust Lawsuits—“It’s Not a Bag, It’s a Birkin”


Seemingly defying logic and common sense, many fashionistas vie to pay $12,000 (and even up to as much as $100,000 for versions made of exotic skins such as snake or alligator), for a women’s leather purse known as the “Birkin bag.” Handmade by the French firm Hermes, and named after British pop star Jane Birkin, who popularized the bag several decades ago, these bags today grace the arms of celebrities such as Jennifer Lopez and Kim Kardashian.

Anna Shnaidman nicely explains this backstory in her Mises Wire contribution “The Secret Economic Theory Behind the $100,000 Birkin Bag.” As she explains, both Carl Menger and Ludwig von Mises revealed why prices of highly desirable products like Birkin bags can reach such lofty levels.

Not only do Birkin bags fetch these initial prices, but over time a flourishing resale market for the bags has evolved in which these bags change hands at prices equal to or even higher than their initial retail level, making them a potential investment opportunity for some owners. The bags are of such quality in both craftsmanship and materials that they are meant to last a lifetime.

The Economic History Behind Such High Prices

About 100 years before Austrian economist Carl Menger (1840-1921) offered his explanation of the pricing phenomenon, Adam Smith (1723-1790) in his 1776 ground-breaking book An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations mused that water is virtually free in nature, whereas diamonds sell for very high prices. Yet water is necessary for life whereas diamonds are merely flashy baubles with no life-sustaining properties.

This is known as Smith’s diamond-water paradox, which he and several other economists were unable to resolve. The answer to the paradox, of course, is that water is ubiquitous (and thus the utility or usefulness of a marginal unit is quite low), whereas diamonds are scarce (and thus offer high utility from a marginal unit). This answer had to wait until 100 years after Smith wrote his book, when the Marginal Revolution—which included the Austrian Carl Menger—established that consumers make purchasing decisions at the margin, that is, based on marginal utility rather than total utility. Smith died without having grasped the answer to his own diamond-water riddle, but the Austrians were able to explain it decisively.

Notwithstanding that Hermes bags are beautifully made by skilled artisans of the finest quality materials, those features alone cannot account for the bag’s lofty prices. But luxury-good businesses like Hermes have shown that if a producer is able to restrict the supply of an item, create sufficient cachet for it, and impose other requirements on potential buyers, it is possible to raise the market-clearing price very high.

There is nothing illegal about this marketing strategy; no one is accusing Hermes of “price gouging.” In fact, the very price point in itself is considered a status symbol, only adding to the bag’s cachet among those seeking to differentiate themselves from the hoi polloi.

And here is the kicker to the story: Hermes does, in fact, impose other purchase requirements on buyers, qualifying customers to buy a Birkin bag only if they have previously purchased other Hermes products (scarves, jewelry, shoes), a restrictive marketing policy that sticks in the craw of some aspiring Birkin bag shoppers.

Hermes Bag Purchasers File Lawsuit

But apparently unaware of the long history of price-determination for scarce, coveted products, in March 2024, two aspiring California Hermes customers who were not allowed to buy Birkin bags filed a class action lawsuit in US District Court for the Northern District of California against Hermes, alleging that the company violated federal and California antitrust laws when marketing its Birkin bags.

The relevant federal law is the Sherman Antitrust Act of 1890, which prohibits activities that restrict interstate commerce and competition. In particular, this law prohibits “tie-in” sales, when a seller offers products together as part of a package and requires buyers to purchase other products to qualify to purchase the item that they ultimately desire. If a seller offering a tied-product has sufficient market power, these arrangements can violate antitrust laws. The Clayton Act of 1914 further strengthened the Sherman Act’s prohibition of “tying” agreements. The relevant California law is the Cartwright Act, which prohibits agreements that restrain trade or limit production and agreements to increase or fix prices or otherwise prevent competition.

One of the two plaintiffs was allegedly not allowed to purchase a Birkin bag because he had not purchased other Hermes products as required. The second plaintiff had spent thousands of dollars on Hermes products, including Birkin bags, but was allegedly told that only “clients who have been consistent in supporting our business” were eligible to make the purchase. This requirement, the plaintiffs alleged, led to a charge of unlawfully “tying” Birkin bag purchases to other prior Hermes purchases, violating the US Sherman Antitrust Act.

In May 2024, Hermes asked the Court to dismiss the lawsuit, calling it “far-fetched” and claiming that the plaintiffs had failed to show how sales of the handbags violated US antitrust law. The company, moreover, argued that the plaintiffs had not met the legal test to show that the company unlawfully tied the sale of two distinct products.

Then, in October 2024, the plaintiffs filed an amended lawsuit, hoping to persuade the judge that the company unlawfully gives customers with “sufficient purchase history” a chance to buy a Birkin bag, adding this time charges of false advertising and fraud claims, asserting that Hermes sales staff induce extra purchases knowing in advance that customers will in fact not get an opportunity to buy a Birkin bag.

Hermes continued to deny any wrongdoing, and the judge responded that, “Hermes can run its business any way it wants…the fact that a lot of Hermes customers may not be able to get a Birkin bag is not a Hermes antitrust problem.”

It now appears that this lawsuit is going nowhere within the current legal framework. Yet the plaintiff’s three court appearances within the past year indicate the lengths to which some frustrated customers will go in order to spend a small fortune on a handbag, an objective that now appears to have become an end in itself.

The story also indicates the over-use that some Americans increasingly make of the judicial system to resolve personal grievances. It also speaks to the persistence of ambitious lawyers who believe they can design ground-breaking legal strategies that may provide the relief their clients desire. In any case, it is an intriguing example of the intersection of economic history and theory, existing US antitrust law, and human attempts to manipulate free market outcomes along lines they would prefer rather than those that result from natural forces.

 


Originally Posted at https://mises.org/


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    Is World War III Already Here?

    Is World War III Already Here?

    Authored by Jay Solomon via The FP.com,

    The ‘Axis of Upheaval‘ is on the march—and the U.S. must figure out how to respond.

    If it feels like the world is on fire right now, that’s because it is. From Ukraine to Syria to the Korean Peninsula, a widening array of conflicts is raising questions among defense experts: Is it 1914 again? 1939? Has World War III already started and we’re just now figuring it out?

    For retired Lieutenant General H.R. McMaster, who served as Donald Trump’s second national security adviser from 2017–2018, the answer is clear.

    “I think we’re on the cusp of a world war,” McMaster told The Free Press. “There’s an economic war going on. There are real wars going on in Europe and across the Middle East, and there’s a looming war in the Pacific. And I think the only way to prevent these wars from cascading further is to convince these adversaries they can’t accomplish their objectives through the use of force.”

    That won’t be easy. Consider the facts:

    • In Ukraine, thousands of North Korean soldiers have recently joined Russian ground troops to bolster President Vladimir Putin’s invasion of the country. Meanwhile, Russia has opened up a new front in the war by entering the northeast Kharkiv region, as it continues to assault Ukraine’s cities and block its ports.

    • A U.S.-brokered ceasefire in Lebanon that forced terror group Hezbollah to retreat from Israel’s northern border is showing signs of unraveling. Meanwhile, the Jewish state is still fighting a war in the Gaza Strip, where around 60 Israeli and U.S. hostages remain. And last month, Israel’s air force destroyed much of Iran’s air defense systems, leaving Tehran’s nuclear facilities exposed to future attacks.

    • Rebels in Syria have recently seized key areas of the country that had been controlled for years by dictator Bashar al-Assad and his Russian and Iranian backers. Now that these insurgents have taken Aleppo, they are vowing to march on Damascus.

    • In the Baltic Sea, investigators suspect a Chinese ship of sabotaging critical underwater data cables that linked NATO states. Concerns about CCP aggression are mounting amid an emerging consensus in Washington that China would defeat the U.S. in a Pacific war, largely due to Beijing’s naval superiority.

    • And on Tuesday, South Korea’s president briefly declared martial law, alleging he needed to fend off a North Korean–backed coup led by the opposition party. Massive protests caused him to back down, and he is now facing impeachment proceedings.

    These wars, rebellions, and spy tales may appear disconnected. But in reality, they all point to a widening global conflict that is pitting the U.S. and its allies against China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea—nations all fixated on toppling the West. Strategists have even come up with catchy nicknames for this anti-American coalition, dubbing the bloc the “Axis of Aggressors” or the “Axis of Upheaval.”

    Philip Zelikow, who served as executive director of the 9/11 Commission and counselor to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice from 2005 to 2007, is among those who think these conflicts are related. “I think there is a serious possibility of what I call worldwide warfare”—meaning a world war that is not as coordinated as past global conflagrations. “It’s not hard to see one of these conflicts crossing over into another.”

    As Trump prepares to enter office next month, his primary foreign policy task should be to prevent an actual full-blown World War III, sources told The Free Press—or to stop it from metastasizing if it’s already here.

    To do this, the president-elect will have to fortify alliances with NATO, South Korea, and Japan—partnerships Trump has already shown he’s skeptical of. And he will need to stare down a number of American adversaries, including Putin, Chinese president Xi Jinping, and North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un—a despot for whom Trump has expressed both scorn and admiration.

    Police guard the National Assembly building in Seoul, South Korea, on December 4, 2024. (Jintak Han via Getty Images)

    At the same time, Trump benefits from his willingness to break from past U.S. policies and institutions that have helped foment these current conflicts. This includes a defense industry that doesn’t produce the right weapons to compete with China or enough munitions to arm Ukraine. Defense strategists in previous U.S. administrations have been blind to the Axis of Aggressors’ moves to expand their global power, sources told me—placing too much faith in global institutions, such as the United Nations, that were incapable of checking them.

    Trump, with his nontraditional advisers such as Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy, could potentially revolutionize the way the U.S. builds and projects power, sources told me. SpaceX CEO Musk, in particular, could marry America’s military establishment with Silicon Valley’s start-up culture to produce, at scale, the types of smart airplanes, drones, and submarines needed to deter Washington’s enemies, they said.

    But Trump’s desire to shake up Washington and dismantle many of its national security institutions comes with enormous risk. The disruption of the Pentagon, State Department, and FBI could make the U.S. and its allies more vulnerable if these institutions become inoperable or less efficient, current and former officials told The Free Press.

    “What he’s gonna need is some agenda to bring the world back together after he pulls things apart,” said David Asher, senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, who oversaw U.S. government operations against Russia, China, North Korea, and Iran in the George W. Bush, Obama, and Trump administrations.

    The threat of a widening global conflict is being driven by factors reminiscent of events before the start of World War I, sources told me. This includes the breakdown in alliances and trading systems and the arrival of disruptive technologies like airplanes, telephones, and mechanized weapons. Today, there is no longer a consensus that free trade will bring countries closer together and forestall future wars. And the Covid-19 pandemic revealed the dangers of reliance on China for medical supplies. Trump’s threats to slap high tariffs on China and other countries also raise the specter of greater conflict.

    “What you learn when you study economic history is that long cycles do end and when they do, they end with war,” said Asher, who’s worked on Wall Street and said he has recently briefed financial institutions on the threat of a global conflict.

    A rocket launcher fires against Syrian regime forces in Hama, Syria, on December 4, 2024. (Bakr Al Kassem via Getty Images)

    Both McMaster and Zelikow said that the Syrian civil war that started nearly 15 years ago should have been a major wake-up call to the U.S., Europe, and NATO. The Obama administration tried to oust al-Assad through diplomacy and talks that included Russia and Iran, the strongman’s primary patrons. But then the U.S. and Europe were blindsided in 2015 when Moscow and Tehran propped up al-Assad with both air and ground troops.

    “We started talking about great power rivalry and all of that, but we didn’t really do anything to arrest these trends,” said Zelikow, who’s now a senior fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution.

    This Syrian playbook can now be seen in Ukraine. Iran, North Korea, and China have all been supplying weaponry or technologies to Russia, while Iranian-backed Houthi fighters are now reported to be on the Ukrainian battlefield alongside North Korean troops.

    The war in the Middle East, sparked by Hamas’s invasion of Israel on October 7, 2023, has also attracted this broader axis. The Houthis, in support of Hamas, have been attacking international ships in a critical transit strait of the Red Sea. And they’ve been getting guidance from both Tehran and Moscow, according to current and former U.S. officials.

    On the north side of the strait, an Iranian general is “directing the Houthis using Russian intelligence,” McMaster told The Free Press. On the south side, “you have an Iranian surveillance ship. And you have a Chinese [naval] port, you know? I mean, that’s not by mistake.”

    How will the Trump administration confront this emboldened axis? A significant divide among foreign policy strategists may prove difficult to bridge. In one corner are hawks and traditional Republican conservatives—such as incoming National Security Adviser Mike Waltz, Secretary of State nominee Marco Rubio, and UN Ambassador designee Elise Stefanik—who have called for a muscular defense of Pax Americana. They’re expected to press Trump to continue arming Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan, and even amp up our military support to preserve the Western order.

    A Ukrainian soldier fires a machine gun at Russian drones on November 29, 2024, in Chernihiv Oblast, Ukraine. (Maksym Kishka via Getty Images)

    On the opposing side is an isolationist wing reflected in the public musings of Trump’s eldest son, Don Jr., who tweeted on November 17 about the Biden administration’s decision to provide long-range missiles to Ukraine:

    The Military Industrial Complex seems to want to make sure they get World War 3 going before my father has a chance to create peace and save lives. Gotta lock in those $Trillions. Life be damned!!! Imbeciles!

    Trump’s vice president J.D. Vance, and his advisers, including Tucker Carlson to Tulsi Gabbard, also believe U.S. military overreach led to catastrophic U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and needless Western provocations of Putin that sparked his invasion of Ukraine. They argue that stepping back, rather than expanding, is the key to global peace.

    Some Trump confidantes told The Free Press they’ve been studying U.S. policies that led up to the past two world worlds as guidance for today. They have concluded that Washington was too lenient on Hitler’s Germany leading into World War II, but too committed to European allies in the early 1900s ahead of World War I. And they believe Trump will need to strike a balance between these two postures.

    “I think you have to learn the lessons of both wars,” Peter Thiel, the tech investor and close Trump ally, told The Free Press last month. “You can’t have excessive appeasement, and you also can’t go sleepwalking into Armageddon. In a way, they’re opposite lessons.”

    *    *    * 

    Jay Solomon is an investigative reporter for The Free Press and author of The Iran Wars. Follow him on X at @FPJaySolomon and read his piece, “Inside the Battle over Trump’s Foreign Policy.”

    Tyler Durden
    Fri, 12/06/2024 – 23:25

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