Historical Revisionism: What It Is and What It Is Not

An activist historian in the United Kingdom, who rose to prominence as a supporter of Black Lives Matter, recently expounded to the Times on what he sees as the proper role of historians: “I think [the job of historians] is to try to stand there at this arsenal of dangerous ideas and to make it more difficult for people to raid that arsenal to use it for their political projects. It is to complicate the picture; it is to show that these simple assertions are much more nuanced; it is to muddy the waters and try to de-weaponise the past.”

This style of black activist retelling of history can be described as antiracist revisionism, as it conforms to the methods and goals of the ideology of antiracism. Antiracism is defined as “a paradigm located within Critical Theory utilized to explain and counteract the persistence and impact of racism.” Within this paradigm it is not enough for one not to be racist; it is necessary to be antiracist, meaning to interpret concepts, ideas and facts through the lens of critical race theories.

Antiracist revisionism retells the history of Western civilization as a culture riven with racism and exploitation of black people, drawing upon critical race theory perspectives to explain that all history is one giant race war. To antiracist revisionists, history is all doom and gloom for people who are not white, and any discussion of history that fails to highlight oppression and exploitation of black people is to be dismissed as “racist.” This is what they mean by reinterpreting history through the lens of race.

One of the most baffling traits of antiracist revisionists is that they seek to dismantle all aspects of Western culture while insisting that anyone who disagrees with their racialized interpretations of the world is thereby “starting a culture war.” According to antiracists, the only way to avoid starting a culture war is to accept their message that Western culture is pure evil. This explains why antiracists always seem to be very surprised when people object to their destruction of historic monuments – they see destroying history as good antiracism, and objecting to their destructionism is therefore needlessly “starting a culture war.”

In what James Lindsay has called “the iron law of woke projection,” they do not realize that the only people starting a culture war are those seeking to destroy Western culture, namely themselves. As Tom DiLorenzo reminds us, “A definition of ‘projection’ is when one baselessly accuses others of doing something unsavory, immoral, or illegal that he is actually doing.”

The methods of antiracist revisionists are therefore entirely opposed to the tradition of historical revisionism.

The true aim of revisionism

Historical revisionism is a good thing if it means highlighting important aspects of history that are unknown, overlooked, or forgotten. Ralph Raico described revisionism as essential to understanding the true causes of war, as most warmongers do not reveal the true reason for their wars of aggression. Without the efforts of revisionists, we might never unmask the true motivations behind disastrous wars. For example, we are told by most historians that Abraham Lincoln waged war on the South “to free the slaves.” Those who seek to justify aggressive wars are aware that if they do not advance a “just cause” for their war they may never get popular support for it.

For example, the war in Iraq was launched, we were told, because Sadam Hussein was amassing weapons of mass destruction. Raico observes that for these reasons, in the history of war truth is often masked by invented “just cause” explanations:

Pretexts and evasions have proliferated. In democratic societies, these are endorsed—often invented—by compliant writers and intellectuals. The unmasking of such excuses for war and war-making is called historical revisionism, or simply revisionism. Revisionism and classical liberalism (what is today called libertarianism) have always been closely linked.

Raico highlights the strong libertarian anti-war tradition, adding:

Murray Rothbard was the heir to this whole legacy, totally familiar with it and bringing it up to date. Aside from his many other, truly amazing contributions, Murray and his colleague Leonard Liggio introduced historical revisionism to the burgeoning American libertarian movement. This is a work now carried on with great gusto by Lew Rockwell, the Mises Institute, and its accomplished scholars.

Confederacy and reconstruction

In The Consolidation of State Power via Reconstruction Tom DiLorenzo extends the revisionist tradition described by Raico to understanding the war for Southern independence and the “reconstruction” that followed in its aftermath. DiLorenzo explains how the history of reconstruction written by William Archibald Dunning was later “revised,” primarily in the 1960s, by Marxist scholars. The Marxist revisionists did not dispute the historical facts of the “Dunning School.” Instead, “Relying heavily on Marxian class conflict theory, they merely painted what they considered a more ‘enlightened’ picture of the era.”

The new “enlightened” Marxist analysis of the Civil War era claims that Confederates were in some way inherently “racist” as distinct from other men of their time. They see the war as one between “racist” oppressors in the South and “antiracist” abolitionists in the North. To sustain this claim, not only must they depict the war waged by the North as a war whose purpose was “to free the slaves,” but they must also depict the South as driven by one goal only: racism.

This leaves the antiracist revisionists with a residual difficulty: accounting for the thousands of black men who supported the Confederate cause in various capacities. This has proved to be a challenge. Their theories of oppression are unable to account for black people fighting on the Confederate side.

For example, Samuel W. Mitcham in his biography of General Nathan Bedford Forrest recounts that General Forrest was accompanied to war by 43 of his slaves, who remained at his side for the duration of the war and of whom he later said “Those boys stuck with me. Better Confederates never lived.” Antiracist revisionists say this should all be attributed to coercion. Their theory is that slaves joined the war simply because they did whatever they were told, and free blacks joined the war because they were afraid of racist Confederates and therefore also did whatever they were told. As slavery is a condition inherently based on coercion, it follows in their theory that the entire history of America from 1776 to 1865 is a history of coercion; and after 1865 it remains a history of total coercion due to what they call “legacies of oppression.”

For that antiracist theory of coercion to be true, all wartime accounts in books, newspapers, journals, and military records, detailing the determination of black people who volunteered to fight in support of the Confederate cause, would have to dismissed as false – a rather bewildering approach to the study of history.

Antiracist ideology with its themes of racism and coercion is not genuine historical revisionism, as historical revisionism does not consist in simply announcing that all history is false merely because it fails to conform to one’s preferred ideology. Revisionism relies on producing evidence that contradicts the prevailing historical accounts. For example, those who think Lincoln waged war “to free the slaves” might have a compelling reason to revise their opinion of him when they read, in Lincoln’s own words cited by DiLorenzo, where Lincoln said:

I will say then that I am not, nor ever have been in favor of bringing about in any way the social and political equality of the white and black races – that I am not nor ever have been in favor of making voters or jurors of Negroes, nor qualifying them to hold office, nor to intermarry with white people; and I will say in addition that there is a physical difference between the white and the black races which I believe will forever forbid the two races from living together on terms of social and political equality.

 


Originally Posted at https://mises.org/


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    Is World War III Already Here?

    Is World War III Already Here?

    Authored by Jay Solomon via The FP.com,

    The ‘Axis of Upheaval‘ is on the march—and the U.S. must figure out how to respond.

    If it feels like the world is on fire right now, that’s because it is. From Ukraine to Syria to the Korean Peninsula, a widening array of conflicts is raising questions among defense experts: Is it 1914 again? 1939? Has World War III already started and we’re just now figuring it out?

    For retired Lieutenant General H.R. McMaster, who served as Donald Trump’s second national security adviser from 2017–2018, the answer is clear.

    “I think we’re on the cusp of a world war,” McMaster told The Free Press. “There’s an economic war going on. There are real wars going on in Europe and across the Middle East, and there’s a looming war in the Pacific. And I think the only way to prevent these wars from cascading further is to convince these adversaries they can’t accomplish their objectives through the use of force.”

    That won’t be easy. Consider the facts:

    • In Ukraine, thousands of North Korean soldiers have recently joined Russian ground troops to bolster President Vladimir Putin’s invasion of the country. Meanwhile, Russia has opened up a new front in the war by entering the northeast Kharkiv region, as it continues to assault Ukraine’s cities and block its ports.

    • A U.S.-brokered ceasefire in Lebanon that forced terror group Hezbollah to retreat from Israel’s northern border is showing signs of unraveling. Meanwhile, the Jewish state is still fighting a war in the Gaza Strip, where around 60 Israeli and U.S. hostages remain. And last month, Israel’s air force destroyed much of Iran’s air defense systems, leaving Tehran’s nuclear facilities exposed to future attacks.

    • Rebels in Syria have recently seized key areas of the country that had been controlled for years by dictator Bashar al-Assad and his Russian and Iranian backers. Now that these insurgents have taken Aleppo, they are vowing to march on Damascus.

    • In the Baltic Sea, investigators suspect a Chinese ship of sabotaging critical underwater data cables that linked NATO states. Concerns about CCP aggression are mounting amid an emerging consensus in Washington that China would defeat the U.S. in a Pacific war, largely due to Beijing’s naval superiority.

    • And on Tuesday, South Korea’s president briefly declared martial law, alleging he needed to fend off a North Korean–backed coup led by the opposition party. Massive protests caused him to back down, and he is now facing impeachment proceedings.

    These wars, rebellions, and spy tales may appear disconnected. But in reality, they all point to a widening global conflict that is pitting the U.S. and its allies against China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea—nations all fixated on toppling the West. Strategists have even come up with catchy nicknames for this anti-American coalition, dubbing the bloc the “Axis of Aggressors” or the “Axis of Upheaval.”

    Philip Zelikow, who served as executive director of the 9/11 Commission and counselor to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice from 2005 to 2007, is among those who think these conflicts are related. “I think there is a serious possibility of what I call worldwide warfare”—meaning a world war that is not as coordinated as past global conflagrations. “It’s not hard to see one of these conflicts crossing over into another.”

    As Trump prepares to enter office next month, his primary foreign policy task should be to prevent an actual full-blown World War III, sources told The Free Press—or to stop it from metastasizing if it’s already here.

    To do this, the president-elect will have to fortify alliances with NATO, South Korea, and Japan—partnerships Trump has already shown he’s skeptical of. And he will need to stare down a number of American adversaries, including Putin, Chinese president Xi Jinping, and North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un—a despot for whom Trump has expressed both scorn and admiration.

    Police guard the National Assembly building in Seoul, South Korea, on December 4, 2024. (Jintak Han via Getty Images)

    At the same time, Trump benefits from his willingness to break from past U.S. policies and institutions that have helped foment these current conflicts. This includes a defense industry that doesn’t produce the right weapons to compete with China or enough munitions to arm Ukraine. Defense strategists in previous U.S. administrations have been blind to the Axis of Aggressors’ moves to expand their global power, sources told me—placing too much faith in global institutions, such as the United Nations, that were incapable of checking them.

    Trump, with his nontraditional advisers such as Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy, could potentially revolutionize the way the U.S. builds and projects power, sources told me. SpaceX CEO Musk, in particular, could marry America’s military establishment with Silicon Valley’s start-up culture to produce, at scale, the types of smart airplanes, drones, and submarines needed to deter Washington’s enemies, they said.

    But Trump’s desire to shake up Washington and dismantle many of its national security institutions comes with enormous risk. The disruption of the Pentagon, State Department, and FBI could make the U.S. and its allies more vulnerable if these institutions become inoperable or less efficient, current and former officials told The Free Press.

    “What he’s gonna need is some agenda to bring the world back together after he pulls things apart,” said David Asher, senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, who oversaw U.S. government operations against Russia, China, North Korea, and Iran in the George W. Bush, Obama, and Trump administrations.

    The threat of a widening global conflict is being driven by factors reminiscent of events before the start of World War I, sources told me. This includes the breakdown in alliances and trading systems and the arrival of disruptive technologies like airplanes, telephones, and mechanized weapons. Today, there is no longer a consensus that free trade will bring countries closer together and forestall future wars. And the Covid-19 pandemic revealed the dangers of reliance on China for medical supplies. Trump’s threats to slap high tariffs on China and other countries also raise the specter of greater conflict.

    “What you learn when you study economic history is that long cycles do end and when they do, they end with war,” said Asher, who’s worked on Wall Street and said he has recently briefed financial institutions on the threat of a global conflict.

    A rocket launcher fires against Syrian regime forces in Hama, Syria, on December 4, 2024. (Bakr Al Kassem via Getty Images)

    Both McMaster and Zelikow said that the Syrian civil war that started nearly 15 years ago should have been a major wake-up call to the U.S., Europe, and NATO. The Obama administration tried to oust al-Assad through diplomacy and talks that included Russia and Iran, the strongman’s primary patrons. But then the U.S. and Europe were blindsided in 2015 when Moscow and Tehran propped up al-Assad with both air and ground troops.

    “We started talking about great power rivalry and all of that, but we didn’t really do anything to arrest these trends,” said Zelikow, who’s now a senior fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution.

    This Syrian playbook can now be seen in Ukraine. Iran, North Korea, and China have all been supplying weaponry or technologies to Russia, while Iranian-backed Houthi fighters are now reported to be on the Ukrainian battlefield alongside North Korean troops.

    The war in the Middle East, sparked by Hamas’s invasion of Israel on October 7, 2023, has also attracted this broader axis. The Houthis, in support of Hamas, have been attacking international ships in a critical transit strait of the Red Sea. And they’ve been getting guidance from both Tehran and Moscow, according to current and former U.S. officials.

    On the north side of the strait, an Iranian general is “directing the Houthis using Russian intelligence,” McMaster told The Free Press. On the south side, “you have an Iranian surveillance ship. And you have a Chinese [naval] port, you know? I mean, that’s not by mistake.”

    How will the Trump administration confront this emboldened axis? A significant divide among foreign policy strategists may prove difficult to bridge. In one corner are hawks and traditional Republican conservatives—such as incoming National Security Adviser Mike Waltz, Secretary of State nominee Marco Rubio, and UN Ambassador designee Elise Stefanik—who have called for a muscular defense of Pax Americana. They’re expected to press Trump to continue arming Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan, and even amp up our military support to preserve the Western order.

    A Ukrainian soldier fires a machine gun at Russian drones on November 29, 2024, in Chernihiv Oblast, Ukraine. (Maksym Kishka via Getty Images)

    On the opposing side is an isolationist wing reflected in the public musings of Trump’s eldest son, Don Jr., who tweeted on November 17 about the Biden administration’s decision to provide long-range missiles to Ukraine:

    The Military Industrial Complex seems to want to make sure they get World War 3 going before my father has a chance to create peace and save lives. Gotta lock in those $Trillions. Life be damned!!! Imbeciles!

    Trump’s vice president J.D. Vance, and his advisers, including Tucker Carlson to Tulsi Gabbard, also believe U.S. military overreach led to catastrophic U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and needless Western provocations of Putin that sparked his invasion of Ukraine. They argue that stepping back, rather than expanding, is the key to global peace.

    Some Trump confidantes told The Free Press they’ve been studying U.S. policies that led up to the past two world worlds as guidance for today. They have concluded that Washington was too lenient on Hitler’s Germany leading into World War II, but too committed to European allies in the early 1900s ahead of World War I. And they believe Trump will need to strike a balance between these two postures.

    “I think you have to learn the lessons of both wars,” Peter Thiel, the tech investor and close Trump ally, told The Free Press last month. “You can’t have excessive appeasement, and you also can’t go sleepwalking into Armageddon. In a way, they’re opposite lessons.”

    *    *    * 

    Jay Solomon is an investigative reporter for The Free Press and author of The Iran Wars. Follow him on X at @FPJaySolomon and read his piece, “Inside the Battle over Trump’s Foreign Policy.”

    Tyler Durden
    Fri, 12/06/2024 – 23:25

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