Subjectivity and Demonstrated Preference: A Possible Paradox


A few years ago, I bought a unique item. When I first became aware of it, I was intrigued and interested, but the price was $50 more than I was willing to pay ($450 versus $400). Wanting it, at my price or less, I kept watch over various websites looking for a sale price that matched my price point. After a number of months searching, I found a site that offered the item for $390 and I bought it.

Now, since the manufacturer has gone out of business—a victim of covid—the value of the item on the used market sometimes exceeds twice what I originally paid. Since mine is in great condition, I assume it could garner the higher price. However, I also claim that I wouldn’t now pay that price for it—I value my $850 more than the item.

At least that is what I claim. And I am not making that claim to just you, the reader, I am also making it to myself. I tell myself—repeatedly—that I value $850 more than the item, yet I haven’t sold it. A seemingly strange paradox that appears to expose a core flaw in Austrian subjective value, and economics in general. To recap: I have an item with a price greater than what I am claiming is its value to me. But I won’t sell it.

Enter Rothbard—Demonstrated Preference 

If asked, I could assemble some preference ranking, ranking the options for lunch versus the money in my wallet and the alternative uses of that money. I could tell you that I rank pizza over hamburger, but then I return to my desk with a hamburger. This could lead to a question, “Jim, I thought you were getting pizza?” The questioner’s understanding of economics wouldn’t be challenged if I replied, “Yeah, I changed my mind.” No paradox here. Subjectivity is subjective, and at the whims of the individual.

Nevertheless, both the questioner and I would know that, at the lunch counter, I demonstrated my preference for hamburger over pizza, whatever I may have said. I couldn’t claim that, given the situation at the counter, I preferred pizza but bought the hamburger instead. Certainly, I could claim that, on the way back to my desk, I regretted my action and now wish I had purchased pizza, but that is only a claim of preference, one that was never demonstrated.

It doesn’t matter what I claim or list as my preference ranking, what matters is how I demonstrated that ranking at the instance under consideration. As noted by Rothbard, “But demonstrated preference only treats values as revealed through chosen action.” So we (myself included) can only speak of my values and preference ranking in context of an action at some point in time.

But I really don’t value my item at $850. I swear.

The Paradox

Consider this situation: you are on an auction website, looking at something you’d like to have. You say to yourself, and everyone nearby, “I’d really like to have that for $40, tops.” The current bid is $12, so you bid $15—a steal. You wait, watching the timer tick toward zero. Then the outbid notice pops up, noting the current bid is $16, with a minimum $17 rebid. You go with $25, but get outbid in moments. You rebid at $36 and outbid once again. Without any pause, you enter $45, because now you really want it.

Seconds tick away and it’s yours! You will soon possess for $45 that which you swore was only worth $40. Maybe, even quickly, elation from winning turns to remorse, “What was I thinking? $45 for that thing? What a waste.”

Now, you could contact the seller and say, “Look, can I just send you $4.00 and you can relist it?” That way you can get the next item in your preference rank. But you don’t.

Back to Rothbard, “The concept of demonstrated preference is simply this: that actual choice reveals, or demonstrates, a man’s preferences; that is, that his preferences are deducible from what he has chosen in action.”

All we can say is that, at the instance you bid $45, you valued your $45 less than the item in question and this is what your actions revealed. It could be that winning the auction was worth, say, $6 to you, at the moment of action. Maybe, at the instance of your last bid, you valued the bundle that included both the item and the win more than $45. Value is subjective and includes psychic value. As Rothbard puts it, “In all cases whatsoever, of course, each man will move to maximize the psychic income on his value scale, on which scale all exchangeable and unexchangeable goods are entered.” Again, no paradox here.

Today is the Given

I claim I wouldn’t today pay $850 for my item, yet I have it. Since marginal valuation is real, I can claim I do not value a second item at $850. This is an uncontroversial statement. Nevertheless, I possess one unit of it, so I do not need to purchase it. The only way I could test the current validity of my claim would be to sell the item for $850 and then buy it again for $850. This will remain untested, but we are not burdened by me already having the item when addressing what I claim is its current value to me.

But I Haven’t Sold It

I do not intend to sell this item, at least not right now. Therefore, regardless of what I say, we can conclude, both you and me, that I do value the item more than $850, when including psychic value and costs that I seem to refuse or am unable to recognize. Now, of course, I haven’t been presented with cash in hand, so my preference hasn’t been tested in that manner. Nevertheless, given what is required to sell and ship my item, the bundle that includes the item and any associated psychic value, net psychic costs, exceeds the potential $850 I haven’t been offered.

Paradox Lost

When I say it’s not worth $850 to me, don’t take my word for it, and I won’t either. We’ll both just observe my actions—or inactions—as demonstrated proof of my preference ranking.

 


Originally Posted at https://mises.org/


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    Is World War III Already Here?

    Is World War III Already Here?

    Authored by Jay Solomon via The FP.com,

    The ‘Axis of Upheaval‘ is on the march—and the U.S. must figure out how to respond.

    If it feels like the world is on fire right now, that’s because it is. From Ukraine to Syria to the Korean Peninsula, a widening array of conflicts is raising questions among defense experts: Is it 1914 again? 1939? Has World War III already started and we’re just now figuring it out?

    For retired Lieutenant General H.R. McMaster, who served as Donald Trump’s second national security adviser from 2017–2018, the answer is clear.

    “I think we’re on the cusp of a world war,” McMaster told The Free Press. “There’s an economic war going on. There are real wars going on in Europe and across the Middle East, and there’s a looming war in the Pacific. And I think the only way to prevent these wars from cascading further is to convince these adversaries they can’t accomplish their objectives through the use of force.”

    That won’t be easy. Consider the facts:

    • In Ukraine, thousands of North Korean soldiers have recently joined Russian ground troops to bolster President Vladimir Putin’s invasion of the country. Meanwhile, Russia has opened up a new front in the war by entering the northeast Kharkiv region, as it continues to assault Ukraine’s cities and block its ports.

    • A U.S.-brokered ceasefire in Lebanon that forced terror group Hezbollah to retreat from Israel’s northern border is showing signs of unraveling. Meanwhile, the Jewish state is still fighting a war in the Gaza Strip, where around 60 Israeli and U.S. hostages remain. And last month, Israel’s air force destroyed much of Iran’s air defense systems, leaving Tehran’s nuclear facilities exposed to future attacks.

    • Rebels in Syria have recently seized key areas of the country that had been controlled for years by dictator Bashar al-Assad and his Russian and Iranian backers. Now that these insurgents have taken Aleppo, they are vowing to march on Damascus.

    • In the Baltic Sea, investigators suspect a Chinese ship of sabotaging critical underwater data cables that linked NATO states. Concerns about CCP aggression are mounting amid an emerging consensus in Washington that China would defeat the U.S. in a Pacific war, largely due to Beijing’s naval superiority.

    • And on Tuesday, South Korea’s president briefly declared martial law, alleging he needed to fend off a North Korean–backed coup led by the opposition party. Massive protests caused him to back down, and he is now facing impeachment proceedings.

    These wars, rebellions, and spy tales may appear disconnected. But in reality, they all point to a widening global conflict that is pitting the U.S. and its allies against China, Russia, Iran, and North Korea—nations all fixated on toppling the West. Strategists have even come up with catchy nicknames for this anti-American coalition, dubbing the bloc the “Axis of Aggressors” or the “Axis of Upheaval.”

    Philip Zelikow, who served as executive director of the 9/11 Commission and counselor to Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice from 2005 to 2007, is among those who think these conflicts are related. “I think there is a serious possibility of what I call worldwide warfare”—meaning a world war that is not as coordinated as past global conflagrations. “It’s not hard to see one of these conflicts crossing over into another.”

    As Trump prepares to enter office next month, his primary foreign policy task should be to prevent an actual full-blown World War III, sources told The Free Press—or to stop it from metastasizing if it’s already here.

    To do this, the president-elect will have to fortify alliances with NATO, South Korea, and Japan—partnerships Trump has already shown he’s skeptical of. And he will need to stare down a number of American adversaries, including Putin, Chinese president Xi Jinping, and North Korean dictator Kim Jong Un—a despot for whom Trump has expressed both scorn and admiration.

    Police guard the National Assembly building in Seoul, South Korea, on December 4, 2024. (Jintak Han via Getty Images)

    At the same time, Trump benefits from his willingness to break from past U.S. policies and institutions that have helped foment these current conflicts. This includes a defense industry that doesn’t produce the right weapons to compete with China or enough munitions to arm Ukraine. Defense strategists in previous U.S. administrations have been blind to the Axis of Aggressors’ moves to expand their global power, sources told me—placing too much faith in global institutions, such as the United Nations, that were incapable of checking them.

    Trump, with his nontraditional advisers such as Elon Musk and Vivek Ramaswamy, could potentially revolutionize the way the U.S. builds and projects power, sources told me. SpaceX CEO Musk, in particular, could marry America’s military establishment with Silicon Valley’s start-up culture to produce, at scale, the types of smart airplanes, drones, and submarines needed to deter Washington’s enemies, they said.

    But Trump’s desire to shake up Washington and dismantle many of its national security institutions comes with enormous risk. The disruption of the Pentagon, State Department, and FBI could make the U.S. and its allies more vulnerable if these institutions become inoperable or less efficient, current and former officials told The Free Press.

    “What he’s gonna need is some agenda to bring the world back together after he pulls things apart,” said David Asher, senior fellow at the Hudson Institute, who oversaw U.S. government operations against Russia, China, North Korea, and Iran in the George W. Bush, Obama, and Trump administrations.

    The threat of a widening global conflict is being driven by factors reminiscent of events before the start of World War I, sources told me. This includes the breakdown in alliances and trading systems and the arrival of disruptive technologies like airplanes, telephones, and mechanized weapons. Today, there is no longer a consensus that free trade will bring countries closer together and forestall future wars. And the Covid-19 pandemic revealed the dangers of reliance on China for medical supplies. Trump’s threats to slap high tariffs on China and other countries also raise the specter of greater conflict.

    “What you learn when you study economic history is that long cycles do end and when they do, they end with war,” said Asher, who’s worked on Wall Street and said he has recently briefed financial institutions on the threat of a global conflict.

    A rocket launcher fires against Syrian regime forces in Hama, Syria, on December 4, 2024. (Bakr Al Kassem via Getty Images)

    Both McMaster and Zelikow said that the Syrian civil war that started nearly 15 years ago should have been a major wake-up call to the U.S., Europe, and NATO. The Obama administration tried to oust al-Assad through diplomacy and talks that included Russia and Iran, the strongman’s primary patrons. But then the U.S. and Europe were blindsided in 2015 when Moscow and Tehran propped up al-Assad with both air and ground troops.

    “We started talking about great power rivalry and all of that, but we didn’t really do anything to arrest these trends,” said Zelikow, who’s now a senior fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution.

    This Syrian playbook can now be seen in Ukraine. Iran, North Korea, and China have all been supplying weaponry or technologies to Russia, while Iranian-backed Houthi fighters are now reported to be on the Ukrainian battlefield alongside North Korean troops.

    The war in the Middle East, sparked by Hamas’s invasion of Israel on October 7, 2023, has also attracted this broader axis. The Houthis, in support of Hamas, have been attacking international ships in a critical transit strait of the Red Sea. And they’ve been getting guidance from both Tehran and Moscow, according to current and former U.S. officials.

    On the north side of the strait, an Iranian general is “directing the Houthis using Russian intelligence,” McMaster told The Free Press. On the south side, “you have an Iranian surveillance ship. And you have a Chinese [naval] port, you know? I mean, that’s not by mistake.”

    How will the Trump administration confront this emboldened axis? A significant divide among foreign policy strategists may prove difficult to bridge. In one corner are hawks and traditional Republican conservatives—such as incoming National Security Adviser Mike Waltz, Secretary of State nominee Marco Rubio, and UN Ambassador designee Elise Stefanik—who have called for a muscular defense of Pax Americana. They’re expected to press Trump to continue arming Ukraine, Israel, and Taiwan, and even amp up our military support to preserve the Western order.

    A Ukrainian soldier fires a machine gun at Russian drones on November 29, 2024, in Chernihiv Oblast, Ukraine. (Maksym Kishka via Getty Images)

    On the opposing side is an isolationist wing reflected in the public musings of Trump’s eldest son, Don Jr., who tweeted on November 17 about the Biden administration’s decision to provide long-range missiles to Ukraine:

    The Military Industrial Complex seems to want to make sure they get World War 3 going before my father has a chance to create peace and save lives. Gotta lock in those $Trillions. Life be damned!!! Imbeciles!

    Trump’s vice president J.D. Vance, and his advisers, including Tucker Carlson to Tulsi Gabbard, also believe U.S. military overreach led to catastrophic U.S. wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, and needless Western provocations of Putin that sparked his invasion of Ukraine. They argue that stepping back, rather than expanding, is the key to global peace.

    Some Trump confidantes told The Free Press they’ve been studying U.S. policies that led up to the past two world worlds as guidance for today. They have concluded that Washington was too lenient on Hitler’s Germany leading into World War II, but too committed to European allies in the early 1900s ahead of World War I. And they believe Trump will need to strike a balance between these two postures.

    “I think you have to learn the lessons of both wars,” Peter Thiel, the tech investor and close Trump ally, told The Free Press last month. “You can’t have excessive appeasement, and you also can’t go sleepwalking into Armageddon. In a way, they’re opposite lessons.”

    *    *    * 

    Jay Solomon is an investigative reporter for The Free Press and author of The Iran Wars. Follow him on X at @FPJaySolomon and read his piece, “Inside the Battle over Trump’s Foreign Policy.”

    Tyler Durden
    Fri, 12/06/2024 – 23:25

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