Why Kamala's Planned Corporate Tax Hike Is Deeply Flawed
Economics News Politics Science

Why Kamala’s Planned Corporate Tax Hike Is Deeply Flawed

Authored by Jeff Carlson & Hans Mahncke via Truth Over News,

One of the more important policy issues for markets in the US election may be corporate tax rates. Kamala Harris has said she wants to raise corporate taxes from the current rate of 21% up to a lofty 28%. During her 2020 primary campaign Kamala said she wanted to raise corporate taxes all the way to 35% – and this may still be her real target. By contrast, President Trump has said he wants to cut the corporate tax rate to at least 20% but would prefer to drop the corporate tax rate to 15% if possible.

How much revenue is generated from corporate taxes?

The answer to this question may surprise some people. In 2023 the federal government collected just under $420 billion in corporate taxes. This compares to the approximately $2.18 trillion in individual taxes and $1.6 trillion in payroll taxes. The amount paid in corporate taxes is not as large as many intuitively expect – a little more than double the total amount of aid that we’ve allocated to the Ukraine war. 

Corporate tax revenue has actually been declining on a percentage basis for decades. The reasons for the decline have everything to do with incentives and competition – incentives for businesses to invest, locate and produce in the United States and competitiveness of American companies in a global environment. And it’s all intrinsically tied into economic activity, productivity, wages and employment. We as a nation have stymied business activity through a combination of high taxes and excessive regulations.

Who actually pays corporate taxes? Hint: it isn’t the corporations.

Corporations are actually just tax collectors – legal entities that serve to collect taxes on behalf of the corporation’s owners. The true taxpayers are primarily the company’s shareholders – and to some degree, labor and customers – not the corporations that Kamala tries to vilify. When Kamala says she’s going to raise taxes on corporations, what she’s really saying is she’s going to raise taxes on you and me.

As our system stands now, shareholders’ dividends and capital gains are reduced by taxes collected by the corporation. Dividends are profits that a corporation distributes amongst its shareholders. Capital gains come from an increase in the value of a corporation’s assets. If the corporation did not pay corporate taxes on “behalf” of the shareholder these extra dollars would flow through to shareholders in the form of increased profits and dividends, reinvestment in the business (which generates additional profits) and share repurchases. These increased cash flows to shareholders would then be taxed at the shareholder level.

If this argument is not sitting well, consider this example. A corporation could, in theory, give year-end bonuses to its workers such that the amount exactly equaled the corporation’s taxable income. After the payment to workers, the corporation would have zero taxable income. Because the corporation would record no profits in this case, shareholders would pay no tax as they too would receive no profits. But workers would now have a significantly increased tax bill – and in all likelihood be taxed at a higher overall rate than the corporation would have been. The corporation merely serves as the vehicle or conduit – the legal structure – for tax payments.

What about customers and labor – don’t they shoulder much of the corporate tax bill through higher prices for goods or lower wages? 

As it turns out, there is some material debate about these two groups. In a normalized market environment, customers probably don’t pay much in corporate tax as it is very hard to pass this cost through. The ultimate price of the corporation’s end product or service is determined by market forces – not tax rates. And corporations have many differing competitors – including sole proprietorships and foreign corporations with differing tax structures. Market competition determines the final selling price – not taxes.

The amount of corporate taxation that labor bears is less clear – the arguments center around the availability and flexibility of capital – the ability to shift production to lower cost areas, etc. The Tax Policy Center has concluded – fairly close to Treasury estimates – that labor bears about 25% of the corporate tax burden. Some estimates have labor bearing as much as 70% of the cost.

In our opinion, the amount of corporate taxes that are borne by labor is probably north of the 25% figure – but likely well shy of the 70% estimates. The reason for this lies primarily in the mobility of capital. Money is far more fungible and easily moved than labor. If returns are higher abroad due to lower foreign tax rates, investors will quickly move capital to those places. Labor has a more difficult time taking advantage of higher wages elsewhere.

When corporations are burdened with a higher tax rate, their return on capital falls, making them less attractive for investment. In order to attract capital, companies are forced to reduce costs in an attempt to boost returns. And, in general, labor is the largest cost component for most corporations, making it a prime target for cost cutting. The accelerating shift towards the use of AI may lead to an even greater amount of the tax burden being shouldered by labor.

Think of it in simple terms. If corporations were hit with a tax hike tomorrow, which group could more quickly adjust. Investors who could quickly sell and redeploy their capital overseas – or labor with their families and homes? The matter becomes a bit more complicated in real terms because if such a tax was enacted, share prices would be impacted immediately, but hopefully you get our point.

So the answer to who really pays corporate taxes appears to be primarily shareholders with labor sharing in some material percentage of the cost. What should be clear is that corporations do not truly pay taxes – they merely collect them on behalf of third parties for payment.

Why are tax rates different at the corporate level versus the shareholder level?

At the heart of the matter, the tax rate is lower for capital gains and dividends paid to shareholders to reduce the impact of double-taxation – profits used to pay dividends have already been taxed at the corporate tax rate. The capital gains and dividend tax rates are arbitrary but the intent has been to pick a number that was not so high as to completely discourage investment into companies by investors.

Why do we have differing corporate and individual taxation systems in the first place?

Our nation’s tax system evolved in fits and starts with various taxes being implemented and then repealed – some ruled unconstitutional. Our modern tax era began in 1909 – in response to rising political pressure to tax the rich – when Congress enacted an excise tax on corporations at the urging of President William Howard Taft. In a concurrent move, President Taft proposed the 16th Amendment to establish a personal income tax.

The excise tax on corporations did not require a constitutional amendment and was originally intended to be a temporary measure until the passage of the 16th Amendment which occurred in 1913. Like all things government, legislation once enacted does not die and so the two concurrent tax systems – corporate and individual were born. And they have been creating inefficiencies and needless complexities for our nation ever since.

We should consider abolishing the Corporate Tax – not raising it.

Reducing or eliminating the corporate tax rate would go a long way towards drawing businesses and business activity back to the United States. Our corporate tax structure creates countless unnecessary complexities and conflicts with our individual tax code. Do away with that structure – even if shareholder taxes are adjusted in a manner that is revenue neutral to the Treasury – and you have gained significant economic efficiencies.

Some other reasons to abolish the corporate tax:

Removal of political gamesmanship – An entire lobbying force working to get tax breaks for corporations is gone overnight. Gone too are the incentives for politicians to grant their corporate constituencies favors via the tax code. Kill the corporate tax code and you immediately remove a big motivation for corporate money being involved in the political arena – along with special interests.

Legal & Tax Departments – Tax compliance and tax strategy related departments would be rendered obsolete and would result in the saving of literally billions of dollars and countless man-hours. Tax lawyers and consultants would need to find another avenue for work. And smaller businesses would be placed on a more equal footing.

Tax status – There would be no need for non-profit distinction – and the associated games being engaged in by both companies and the IRS.

The entire tax system would be vastly simpler. Any corporate tax burden borne by labor would be removed. The increased level of investment by corporations – along with higher dividends – would re-invigorate our entire economy. Corporations would run their companies based on underlying economics without the distorting influence of tax strategy behavior.

Corporate CEOs would focus on what are now pre-tax profits. Foreign investment would flood back into the United States. International tax problems and distortions would disappear. U.S. corporate cash held overseas could be repatriated for use domestically.

Lowering (or removing) the corporate tax does not mean that taxation of corporate income is avoided. Instead, taxes would now be paid at the individual versus corporate level. Corporations could stop focusing on tax strategies and could instead place their full focus on generating profits. And Labor would see their corporate tax burden lifted.

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Originally Posted at; https://www.zerohedge.com//


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Key Battle On Election-Betting Market Heads To Appeals Court

Key Battle On Election-Betting Market Heads To Appeals Court

Key Battle On Election-Betting Market Heads To Appeals Court

Authored by John Haughey via The Epoch Times,

A legal battle over the future of a website’s election prediction market is set to continue on Sept. 19, when an appeals court hears the case of Kalshi v. CFTC, a decision that could reshape how Americans engage in political discourse.

The three-judge U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit will be considering whether individuals should be permitted to purchase contracts to participate in predictive markets that trade on the outcome of elections. If so, should these markets be regulated like other financial exchanges and commodity markets or as a form of gambling?

New York-based KalshiEx LLC argues that the elections market section of its website is a derivatives trading platform where participants buy and sell contracts based on projected outcomes of events, such as elections, and should be regulated no differently than grain futures that investors purchase as hedges against price fluctuations.

These markets provide a “public benefit” by gauging public sentiment in real-time, Kalshi maintains, a valuable guide for policymakers, politicians, and pundits in charting the public pulse.

The Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC), which regulates the U.S. derivatives markets, argues that Kalshi’s platform blurs the line between commodity trading and gambling, and should not be viewed the same as futures contracts.

The commission maintains that Kalshi’s market puts it in a position to be a de facto elections regulator, which it is not designed to be. Such contracts provide no “public interest” and, in fact, pose a risk to electoral integrity and could potentially incentivize manipulation and fraud, the CFTC argues.

Those conflicting contentions are the core of what the appellate panel will deliberate on before it decides to lift or sustain its stay on U.S. District Judge Jia Cobb’s Sept. 6 ruling in favor of the platform. Judge Cobbs found that the defendant, CFTC, exceeded its statutory authority as a Wall Street regulator when it issued a September 2023 order stopping Kalshi from going online with its market because it is a “prohibited gambling activity.”

Judge Cobbs on Sept. 12 also denied CFTC’s motion for a stay while it mounts an appeal.

After the initial stay request was rejected, Kalshi wasted little time getting its market online. Attorneys for the CFTC were also busy, and within hours secured a stay from the appeals court, setting the stage for the 2 p.m. Sept. 19 hearing.

In the brief time before trading was paused “pending court process” late Sept. 12, more than 65,000 contracts had been sold on the questions, “Which party will control the House?” and “Which party will control the Senate?

The appellate panel will essentially be engaged in a technical legal debate over the definition of “gaming” and “gambling,” and how they would apply, in this case, to any potential regulation.

In its Sept. 13 filing calling for the stay to be lifted, Kalshi rejected CFTC’s definition that trading on election prediction markets is “gaming.”

“An election is not a game. It is not staged for entertainment or for sport. And, unlike the outcome of a game, the outcome of an election carries vast extrinsic and economic consequences,” it maintains.

The CFTC said in its Sept. 14 filing that because “Kalshi’s contracts involve staking something of value on the outcome of elections, they fall within the ordinary definition of ‘gaming.’”

‘Horse Has Left the Barn’

Regardless of how the panel rules, “The horse has left the barn,” said data consultant Mick Bransfield, of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, who trades on Kalshi’s website and purchased a “Senate control” contract.

There are ample opportunities to place election wagers on offshore websites such as New Zealand-based PredictIt, which imposes strict spending limits; on websites such as Polymarket, a New York-based platform that cannot legally accept wagers from within the United States; or the American Civics Exchange, where businesses and high net worth individuals can purchase “binary derivative contracts” through proxies tied to policy and electoral outcomes as hedges against “unpredictable electoral, legislative, and regulatory events.”

Predictit.org/Screenshot via The Epoch Times

“Elections predictive markets have been around since 1988 in the United States,” Bransfield told The Epoch Times, adding that the issue is “more nuanced than people realize.”

That nuance, said Carl Allen, author of The Polls Weren’t Wrong, is that Kalshi’s platform would be the first federally regulated U.S.-based predictive elections market open to all individuals without spending limits.

“To me, the question is not should it be regulated, the question is how? I think that is where we are,” Allen, who writes about predictive markets on substack, told The Epoch Times.

“It’s challenging to get your arms around this because there are so many organizations involved with it,” he said. “We’re reaching a really interesting point with sports betting going from totally disallowed, except for in Vegas and a few brick-and-mortar [stores], to being everywhere; crypto currency drastically growing; ETFs [Exchange-Traded Funds] getting big;” and Kashi attempting to open a predictive market on election outcomes.

Prediction market trader and Kalshi community manager Jonathan Zubkoff, who also writes about predictive markets and wagering, said the CFTC’s claim that elections markets are betting websites is mistaken.

“It’s not the same as sports betting” where there is “a line posted and billions of dollars are traded against it across different time zones,” prompting the odds to fluctuate, he told The Epoch Times.

“If you are looking at a line [to bet] on a Friday night for a Sunday game, there’s no hedge whatsoever.”

In elections markets, “there actually is a hedge” that gives people an opportunity to put money where “their bias is,” Zubkoff said.

Coalition For Political Forecasting Executive Director Pratik Chougule said another difference between sports betting and other types of gambling and predictive elections markets is that “unlike many other forms of speculation, the wagering here has a real public interest benefit. These markets inform in a way that is very beneficial.”

In October 2023, Chougule told The Epoch Times that elections markets reflect predictive science, citing numerous studies documenting that political betting websites are better indicators of public sentiment than any other measure except the election results themselves, including a study by Professor David Rothschild of the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School of Business.

“Polling is very unreliable,” he said. “And so we basically believe that, in order to promote good forecasting for the public interest, we believe that political betting is one solution to that because, at the end of the day when you have people wagering their own money on the line, that creates incentives that are very hard to replicate through other ways.”

Chougule, who hosts the podcast Star Spangled Gamblers, believes that, while not always accurate, election predictive markets are the best gauge of public sentiment in real-time.

“When they make a prediction, they are putting their money on the line,” he said. “It’s a pretty clear barometer of how an election is going.”

‘Gray Area’ Needs Rules

Chougule said he was “pessimistic” that Kalshi’s elections market would be online by Nov. 5.

“I think when you look at the landscape at the federal and state level, at Congress, at federal agencies, [there is] fear and skepticism and concern about what widespread elections betting could mean for our democratic institutions,” he said. “I don’t agree but it’s a fact.”

Bransfield said he was surprised by Cobb’s ruling against the regulators. “It did not seem the district court would side with Kalshi after the oral arguments in May,” he said. “The judge referred to elections contracts as ‘icky.’ That gave me the assumption that it would be unpalatable to her.”

But there is reason to be deliberative, Bransfield said.

“We should always be concerned about the integrity of our elections but these elections contracts have been around for so long,” he said, noting that more than $1 billion in 2024 U.S. elections contracts have already been purchased in the United Kingdom alone. “All those concerns already exist and have for a long time.”

Certainly, Allen said, “there are a lot of downstream effects that we are going to see from this,” but some fears are unfounded.

Unlike a sports contest where one player can affect the outcome, it would take a widespread concerted effort to “fix” an election, he said. Nevertheless, there is “potential for unscrupulous actors to release a hot tip” that could affect predictive markets.

Allen cited speculation about when former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley would end her presidential campaign during the Republican primaries, whether Robert F. Kennedy would pull the plug on his independent presidential campaign, and who both parties would pick as their vice presidential candidates as examples.

“A handful of people knew about [vice president picks] before it was public. It would be financially beneficial for someone to throw a couple [of] thousand dollars into that market,” he said.

Prime Minister Rishi Sunak (C) and his wife Akshata Murty (in yellow) at the launch of the Conservative Party general election manifesto at Silverstone race track in Northamptonshire, England, on June 11, 2024. James Manning/PA

The CFTC, in its challenge, noted that bets had been placed on the July 4 British general election date before Prime Minister Rishi Sunak officially announced it in May.

“It is very hard to see this gray area without some rules,” Allen said.

“Claiming that betting in elections is going to lead to issues with democracy and election integrity is one of the most ridiculous things I ever heard,” Zubkoff said, calling them “elections integrity dog whistles.”

Critics “are sort of lashing out,” he continued.

“It is a total misunderstanding. As someone who has traded in these markets, I haven’t seen anything that remotely constitutes a threat” to election integrity.

Zubkoff said Kalshi “very clearly has the better arguments” and cited the Supreme Court’s Chevron repeal as momentum that “bodes well for the future” of predictive elections markets.

He believes the appellate court will deny CFTC’s motion to extend the stay, and placed the odds of Kalshi getting a “yes” to go online before November’s elections at 60 percent.

Zubkoff noted that just like predictive elections markets, those odds could change in real-time during the hearing. “I could give you much better odds while listening to the hearing just based on the questions the judges ask,” he said.

Allen said the odds are “better than 60-40” that Kalshi will win its case, before qualifying that prediction with the ultimate hedge: “I don’t know how much money I would put on that.”

Tyler Durden
Thu, 09/19/2024 – 09:30

Lebanon PM urges UN to take firm stance over Israel's 'technological war'

Lebanon PM urges UN to take firm stance over Israel’s ‘technological war’

Lebanon’s Prime Minister called Thursday for the United Nations to oppose Israel’s “technological war” on his country ahead of a Security Council meeting on exploding devices used by Hezbollah that killed 32 people. Najib Mikati said in a statement the UN Security Council meeting on Friday should “take a firm stance to stop the Israeli […]

The post Lebanon PM urges UN to take firm stance over Israel’s ‘technological war’ appeared first on Insider Paper.

Russia's Shadow Fleet Is A Ticking Geopolitical Timebomb

Russia’s Shadow Fleet Is A Ticking Geopolitical Timebomb

Russia’s Shadow Fleet Is A Ticking Geopolitical Timebomb

Authored by Antonio Garcia via OilPrice.com,

  • Despite Western sanctions and oil price caps, Russia continues to use an aging “shadow fleet” of tankers to circumvent restrictions, allowing for stable oil exports.

  • Russian oil is now primarily heading to ‘friendly markets’ like China, India, and Turkey.

In response to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the European Union and several other Western countries imposed extensive sanctions on Russia, attempting to stop the trade of Russian oil. In December 2022, the G7 countries decided on an oil price cap. However, Russia has found ways to circumvent these sanctions, primarily through the creation of a “shadow fleet” of oil tankers.

Despite robust US Treasury sanctions targeting the shadow fleet, Russia continues to expand it by incorporating new tankers, allowing for stable exports and further evasion of oil price caps. Only 36% of Russian oil exports were shipped by IG-insured tankers. For other shipments, Russia utilized its shadow fleet, which was responsible for exports of ~2.8 mb/d of crude and 1.1 mb/d of oil products in March 2024.

Kpler data shows that in April 2024, 83% of crude oil and 46% of petroleum products were shipped on shadow tankers. The shrinking role of the mainstream fleet fundamentally undermines the leverage of the price cap.

The shadow fleet is a collection of aging and often poorly maintained vessels with unclear ownership structures and lack of insurance. The number of old, outdated ships departing from Russia has increased dramatically. The EU has recently introduced legislation aimed at cracking down on the sale of mainstream tankers into the Russian shadow trade, but the problem persists. Russia managed to expand its shadow tanker fleet, adding 35 new tankers to replace 41 tankers added to OFAC’s SDN list since December 2023. These tankers, all over 15 years old, are managed outside the EU/G7. With 85% of the tankers aged over 15 years, the risk of oil spills at sea is heightened.

The shadow fleet poses a significant and rising threat to the environment. The aging and underinsured vessels increase the risk of oil spills, a potential catastrophe for which Russia would likely refuse to pay. The vessels can cause collisions, leak oil, malfunction, or even sink, posing a threat to other ships, water, and marine life. With estimates suggesting over 1,400 ships have defected to the dark side serving Russia, the potential for environmental damage is substantial. For instance, since the beginning of 2022, 230 shadow fleet tankers have transported Russian crude oil through the Danish straits on 741 occasions. Also, a shadow fleet tanker on its way to load crude in Russia collided with another ship in the strait between Denmark and Sweden. Last year, a fully loaded oil tanker lost propulsion and drifted off the Danish island of Langeland for six hours. Recovery after any potential oil spill could take decades.

Added to the environmental issue, seaborne Russian oil is almost entirely heading to the Asian markets, with India, China, and Turkey being the biggest buyers. In 2023, 86% of oil exports went to friendly countries compared to 40% in 2021, and 84% of petroleum product exports compared to 30% in 2021. This shift in export destinations highlights the changing geopolitical landscape of the oil market due to the sanctions and the rise of the shadow fleet.

Several measures have been proposed to address the challenges posed by the shadow fleet. These include stricter sanctions on individual vessels, increased scrutiny of financial institutions involved in Russian oil deals, and fines that would limit sales or decommission tankers. The G7 countries are taking measures to tighten control over the price cap and further pressure Russia. The US has introduced a series of sanctions against ships and shipowners suspected of violating the price cap. However, concerns remain that these measures could lead to higher energy prices and escalate tensions with Russia. The Danish foreign ministry has stated that “The Russian shadow fleet is an international problem that requires international solutions.”

The shadow fleet has allowed Russia to circumvent Western sanctions and continue profiting from its oil exports, but it has come at a significant cost. The environmental risks posed by these aging and poorly maintained vessels are alarming, and the shift in oil trade patterns is reshaping the geopolitical landscape. Addressing this complex issue will require concerted international efforts and a delicate balance between maintaining sanctions and ensuring stable energy markets. The situation is unsustainable, and the need for action is becoming increasingly urgent.

Tyler Durden
Thu, 09/19/2024 – 03:30

North Korea claims it tested ballistic missile with 'super-large' warhead

North Korea claims it tested ballistic missile with ‘super-large’ warhead

North Korea claimed Thursday that its latest weapons test had been of a tactical ballistic missile capable of carrying a “super-large” warhead, and a strategic cruise missile, state media reported. Leader Kim Jong Un “guided the test-fires”, the official Korean Central News Agency said, of the “new-type tactical ballistic missile Hwasongpho-11-Da-4.5 and an improved strategic […]

The post North Korea claims it tested ballistic missile with ‘super-large’ warhead appeared first on Insider Paper.