Javier Milei and Argentina's Economic Challenge
Economics News philosophy Politics Science

Javier Milei and Argentina’s Economic Challenge


In this interview for The Misesian, we ask economist (and Argentina native) Nicolás Cachanosky about the prospects for a lasting change to Argentina’s highly inflationary and interventionist economy. 

The Misesian: It seems to many that Javier Milei was elected due to widespread dissatisfaction with the state of the economy in Argentina. Is this a correct assessment?

Nicolás Cachanosky: Yes, I believe that is quite accurate. Argentina’s economy has been plagued by increasing inflation since 2007, reaching a world record of 210 percent in 2023. Additionally, the economy has been stagnant since 2011. Poverty rates are also troubling. Consider this: the younger generation, with their personal and professional lives ahead of them, has only experienced stagflation and Kirchnerismo (a left-leaning populism). Furthermore, Cambiemos, the opposition coalition from 2016 to 2019, failed to address the economic issues and consequently lost reelection. The Cambiemos coalition did not rectify the economic problems, leading to disappointment among the public.

Due to a shortage of reserves in the central bank, Argentina lacks enough US dollars to support its imports or meet the demand for foreign currency. Argentines prefer to save in dollars rather than pesos. Strict capital controls restrict how much currency importers can purchase from the global market and limit how much households can save in US dollars.

Given this context, it’s natural that many see only two ways out. One is emigration, which many are opting for. The other is to disrupt the political system by electing a political outsider like Javier Milei, who understands how to channel the public’s frustration with the political establishment. Milei’s use of the pejorative term caste to describe political rulers has been one of his most effective rhetorical strategies.

TM: What have been the effects of widespread monetary inflation and price inflation in Argentina? In other words, how has inflation impacted the daily lives of ordinary people?

NC: Let me provide some context first. The average yearly inflation rate during Néstor Kirchner’s presidency (2003–7) was 15 percent. Throughout both Cristina Fernández de Kirchner’s presidencies (2008–15), the yearly inflation rate rose to 25 percent. Under Mauricio Macri’s Cambiemos government (2016–19), the yearly inflation rate escalated to 41 percent. To exacerbate matters, during Alberto Fernández’s presidency (2020–23), the yearly inflation rate reached 88 percent. To be clear, these are yearly rates, not the accumulated inflation during each presidency. This is problematic.

This high inflation gives rise to a myriad of issues. Firstly, there are no long-term investments in Argentina. Predicting cash flows beyond a few years becomes virtually impossible. In addition to the high and volatile inflation, uncertain property rights make investing in Argentina a risky endeavor.

One scenario exemplifies the pervasive impact of inflation mismanagement. During the 2001 crisis, the government opted to freeze the prices of utilities (energy, transportation, gas). The rationale behind this policy was to shield low-income families from sudden spikes in utility prices (as the exchange rate depreciated from one peso per dollar to four pesos per dollar). However, revisions of these price controls consistently lagged behind the inflation rate, leading to three primary problems. Firstly, utility firms began incurring losses instead of profits, necessitating government subsidies to offset the unadjusted price controls. Secondly, output started to decline and energy imports surged, depleting central bank reserves and eventually prompting capital controls. Finally, the neglect of fixed capital maintenance gradually became a burden on the broader economy.

More than twenty years later, the utility prices are still an issue that demands a solution.

TM: You have pushed for dollarization in Argentina. How would dollarization help ordinary Argentines?

NC: There are numerous ways. Firstly, it would eradicate inflation, and importantly, it would do so in a credible manner. Low inflation wouldn’t hinge on Milei or any other individual holding the presidency but rather on the framework of monetary institutions.

Secondly, it would diminish the opportunity cost of conducting business in Argentina. The peso has experienced an average inflation rate of 60 percent from the mid-1940s to the present day. With limited domestic savings available, Argentina relies heavily on foreign investments. By eliminating exchange rate risk, dollarization would render Argentina a more appealing destination for investment.

Thirdly, it would shield Argentines from the influence of future populist leaders. Politicizing the central bank and exploiting the inflation tax would no longer be viable options, or at least not as easily achievable. The failed attempts of Correa in Ecuador and Bukele in El Salvador to circumvent dollarization serve as examples of the challenges associated with going against dollarization once it’s implemented.

Fourthly, dollarization would pave the way for and incentivize other reforms. Argentina requires fiscal, labor, trade, banking, and financial reforms, among others. Implementing these reforms under the current inflationary conditions is exceedingly challenging. Such reforms take time to enact, and their effects take time to materialize. Dollarization, on the other hand, can be implemented more swiftly, and its impact on inflation is also more immediate.

TM: Are there other ways the state has reduced the standard of living in Argentina? Are government spending and the welfare state a large burden?

NC: As grave as inflation may be, it is a by-product of other underlying issues within the Argentine economy. The scale of Argentina’s government is simply unsustainable. Regardless of one’s preference for the size of government, the Argentine government’s size exceeds what the economy can viably sustain.

A significant factor contributing to this imbalance is the proliferation of social programs and the welfare state following the 2001 crisis. While these programs may have been deemed necessary during the crisis, there has been a lack of long-term planning to address the underlying causes of poverty and roll the programs back. A successful welfare program should ideally become obsolete as its necessity diminishes over time. A welfare program that perpetually expands indicates failure. However, rolling back welfare programs is politically unpopular and delicate, leaving Argentina burdened with a significant fiscal liability.

The detrimental impact of the state on Argentina’s economic standard of living is evident in measures such as price controls, import restrictions, and currency depreciation. Moreover, over the past two decades, Argentina has experienced a profound institutional decay, resulting in a disregard for both formal and informal institutions. This erosion of institutional integrity fosters violations of property rights and expropriation.

Multigenerational unemployment further exacerbates the situation, with families experiencing unemployment across multiple generations. This perpetuates a societal mindset where the notion of working toward one’s future becomes elusive as reliance on state provisions becomes ingrained.

This breakdown of institutions and the resulting social environment creates fertile ground for the resurgence of populism. It’s perhaps unsurprising that many of Milei’s behaviors align with the characteristics of a textbook populist leader.

TM: In addition to monetary changes, what fiscal changes must take place to end the debt and inflation spiral? 

NC: There is no leeway for further increases in taxes; the government must prioritize cutting spending. However, this task presents significant challenges. If, due to political constraints, an immediate reduction in spending is unfeasible—for example, how probable is it for welfare programs to undergo rapid spending cuts?—the government may need to resort to foreign debt to finance the transition. Yet Argentina lacks access to international debt markets. Consequently, like any government, it is confronted with the tough choice of either risking political power by implementing severe austerity measures or opting for a gradual approach, thereby perpetuating inflation and the looming risk of an economic downturn cascading into a currency crisis.

Another fundamental cause of Argentina’s fiscal imbalances is the coparticipation law. In essence, the federal government collects taxes and then redistributes resources to the provinces. While some funds are allocated automatically based on a predetermined formula, others are distributed at the government’s discretion.

This setup creates a breeding ground for misaligned incentives. Provinces do not compete to attract resources based on their efficiency or economic policies, as they do not directly benefit from increased tax revenue. Instead, they vie for the favor of the president to secure a larger share of the discretionary funds. Conversely, the president can exploit these discretionary funds to exert influence over provincial governors to advance their own agendas. Wealthy provinces witness their resources being redistributed to other regions, while economically disadvantaged provinces enjoy a continuous inflow of resources from the federal government.

A more effective approach would involve the federal government solely collecting taxes for its own obligations, while each province assumes responsibility for generating its own revenue and attracting investment to its jurisdiction. The current coparticipation system incentivizes excessive spending rather than fostering fiscal balance.

TM: We have seen a number of Milei supporters call for granting more and more political power to Milei to push through his reforms. Can Milei succeed given the current political realities in governmental institutions in Argentina? 

NC: Milei’s advocacy for expanded political powers presents a concern. Granting him the authority he seeks would essentially elevate him to a super-president status. The constitution outlines specific conditions under which Congress can delegate additional powers to the executive and delineates the limits thereof. It remains ambiguous whether Congress possesses the constitutional authority to confer some of the powers Milei is requesting. Moreover, while it wouldn’t be unprecedented for a president to receive superpowers, it strikes many as peculiar to witness a self-proclaimed libertarian advocating for fewer institutional constraints rather than more.

Although Milei aims to enact a comprehensive set of much-needed reforms, he lacks representation in Congress. Consequently, he must forge political alliances and negotiate with other parties. However, his approach tends toward conflict rather than consensus building. In response to political opposition, he intensifies his criticism of Congress and doubles down on confronting his political adversaries. Today it seems improbable that he will muster the necessary political capital to push through reforms in Congress, as evidenced by the failed attempt to pass his omnibus law. While his all-or-nothing strategy may yield success or failure, it creates uncertainty regarding the extent to which he can implement reforms.

TM: Even if Milei makes impressive progress in reforming the state and its economic policy in coming years, he won’t be president forever. Is reform sustainable, or will it all be reversed under the next Peronist president? 

NC: For now, this seems to be one of the weakest points in Milei’s strategy. Any reform in Argentina must be crafted with the assumption that the succeeding government will likely be populist. Therefore, an institutional or policy reform that hinges on the continuity of the current government is destined to fail.

The lack of certainty poses a significant dilemma. Even a well-designed promarket reform may have little impact if the market anticipates its reversal within a four-year time frame. This scenario fosters the perception that freemarket reforms are ineffective. The certainty issue is particularly challenging in countries like Argentina, characterized by institutional decay.

One of Milei’s initial actions was to issue a necessity and urgency decree (NUD), a presidential prerogative reserved for extraordinary circumstances. If free-market reforms can be introduced through an NUD, they can just as easily be nullified by another NUD in the subsequent presidency. Whether Milei’s NUD aims to restore individual liberties or not, it sets a precedent that could be utilized to advocate for non-free-market reforms.

The missing element in Milei’s reforms thus far is the robustness that would ensure their endurance and irreversibility should they be implemented.

 


Originally Posted at https://mises.org/


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Key Battle On Election-Betting Market Heads To Appeals Court

Key Battle On Election-Betting Market Heads To Appeals Court

Key Battle On Election-Betting Market Heads To Appeals Court

Authored by John Haughey via The Epoch Times,

A legal battle over the future of a website’s election prediction market is set to continue on Sept. 19, when an appeals court hears the case of Kalshi v. CFTC, a decision that could reshape how Americans engage in political discourse.

The three-judge U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit will be considering whether individuals should be permitted to purchase contracts to participate in predictive markets that trade on the outcome of elections. If so, should these markets be regulated like other financial exchanges and commodity markets or as a form of gambling?

New York-based KalshiEx LLC argues that the elections market section of its website is a derivatives trading platform where participants buy and sell contracts based on projected outcomes of events, such as elections, and should be regulated no differently than grain futures that investors purchase as hedges against price fluctuations.

These markets provide a “public benefit” by gauging public sentiment in real-time, Kalshi maintains, a valuable guide for policymakers, politicians, and pundits in charting the public pulse.

The Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC), which regulates the U.S. derivatives markets, argues that Kalshi’s platform blurs the line between commodity trading and gambling, and should not be viewed the same as futures contracts.

The commission maintains that Kalshi’s market puts it in a position to be a de facto elections regulator, which it is not designed to be. Such contracts provide no “public interest” and, in fact, pose a risk to electoral integrity and could potentially incentivize manipulation and fraud, the CFTC argues.

Those conflicting contentions are the core of what the appellate panel will deliberate on before it decides to lift or sustain its stay on U.S. District Judge Jia Cobb’s Sept. 6 ruling in favor of the platform. Judge Cobbs found that the defendant, CFTC, exceeded its statutory authority as a Wall Street regulator when it issued a September 2023 order stopping Kalshi from going online with its market because it is a “prohibited gambling activity.”

Judge Cobbs on Sept. 12 also denied CFTC’s motion for a stay while it mounts an appeal.

After the initial stay request was rejected, Kalshi wasted little time getting its market online. Attorneys for the CFTC were also busy, and within hours secured a stay from the appeals court, setting the stage for the 2 p.m. Sept. 19 hearing.

In the brief time before trading was paused “pending court process” late Sept. 12, more than 65,000 contracts had been sold on the questions, “Which party will control the House?” and “Which party will control the Senate?

The appellate panel will essentially be engaged in a technical legal debate over the definition of “gaming” and “gambling,” and how they would apply, in this case, to any potential regulation.

In its Sept. 13 filing calling for the stay to be lifted, Kalshi rejected CFTC’s definition that trading on election prediction markets is “gaming.”

“An election is not a game. It is not staged for entertainment or for sport. And, unlike the outcome of a game, the outcome of an election carries vast extrinsic and economic consequences,” it maintains.

The CFTC said in its Sept. 14 filing that because “Kalshi’s contracts involve staking something of value on the outcome of elections, they fall within the ordinary definition of ‘gaming.’”

‘Horse Has Left the Barn’

Regardless of how the panel rules, “The horse has left the barn,” said data consultant Mick Bransfield, of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, who trades on Kalshi’s website and purchased a “Senate control” contract.

There are ample opportunities to place election wagers on offshore websites such as New Zealand-based PredictIt, which imposes strict spending limits; on websites such as Polymarket, a New York-based platform that cannot legally accept wagers from within the United States; or the American Civics Exchange, where businesses and high net worth individuals can purchase “binary derivative contracts” through proxies tied to policy and electoral outcomes as hedges against “unpredictable electoral, legislative, and regulatory events.”

Predictit.org/Screenshot via The Epoch Times

“Elections predictive markets have been around since 1988 in the United States,” Bransfield told The Epoch Times, adding that the issue is “more nuanced than people realize.”

That nuance, said Carl Allen, author of The Polls Weren’t Wrong, is that Kalshi’s platform would be the first federally regulated U.S.-based predictive elections market open to all individuals without spending limits.

“To me, the question is not should it be regulated, the question is how? I think that is where we are,” Allen, who writes about predictive markets on substack, told The Epoch Times.

“It’s challenging to get your arms around this because there are so many organizations involved with it,” he said. “We’re reaching a really interesting point with sports betting going from totally disallowed, except for in Vegas and a few brick-and-mortar [stores], to being everywhere; crypto currency drastically growing; ETFs [Exchange-Traded Funds] getting big;” and Kashi attempting to open a predictive market on election outcomes.

Prediction market trader and Kalshi community manager Jonathan Zubkoff, who also writes about predictive markets and wagering, said the CFTC’s claim that elections markets are betting websites is mistaken.

“It’s not the same as sports betting” where there is “a line posted and billions of dollars are traded against it across different time zones,” prompting the odds to fluctuate, he told The Epoch Times.

“If you are looking at a line [to bet] on a Friday night for a Sunday game, there’s no hedge whatsoever.”

In elections markets, “there actually is a hedge” that gives people an opportunity to put money where “their bias is,” Zubkoff said.

Coalition For Political Forecasting Executive Director Pratik Chougule said another difference between sports betting and other types of gambling and predictive elections markets is that “unlike many other forms of speculation, the wagering here has a real public interest benefit. These markets inform in a way that is very beneficial.”

In October 2023, Chougule told The Epoch Times that elections markets reflect predictive science, citing numerous studies documenting that political betting websites are better indicators of public sentiment than any other measure except the election results themselves, including a study by Professor David Rothschild of the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School of Business.

“Polling is very unreliable,” he said. “And so we basically believe that, in order to promote good forecasting for the public interest, we believe that political betting is one solution to that because, at the end of the day when you have people wagering their own money on the line, that creates incentives that are very hard to replicate through other ways.”

Chougule, who hosts the podcast Star Spangled Gamblers, believes that, while not always accurate, election predictive markets are the best gauge of public sentiment in real-time.

“When they make a prediction, they are putting their money on the line,” he said. “It’s a pretty clear barometer of how an election is going.”

‘Gray Area’ Needs Rules

Chougule said he was “pessimistic” that Kalshi’s elections market would be online by Nov. 5.

“I think when you look at the landscape at the federal and state level, at Congress, at federal agencies, [there is] fear and skepticism and concern about what widespread elections betting could mean for our democratic institutions,” he said. “I don’t agree but it’s a fact.”

Bransfield said he was surprised by Cobb’s ruling against the regulators. “It did not seem the district court would side with Kalshi after the oral arguments in May,” he said. “The judge referred to elections contracts as ‘icky.’ That gave me the assumption that it would be unpalatable to her.”

But there is reason to be deliberative, Bransfield said.

“We should always be concerned about the integrity of our elections but these elections contracts have been around for so long,” he said, noting that more than $1 billion in 2024 U.S. elections contracts have already been purchased in the United Kingdom alone. “All those concerns already exist and have for a long time.”

Certainly, Allen said, “there are a lot of downstream effects that we are going to see from this,” but some fears are unfounded.

Unlike a sports contest where one player can affect the outcome, it would take a widespread concerted effort to “fix” an election, he said. Nevertheless, there is “potential for unscrupulous actors to release a hot tip” that could affect predictive markets.

Allen cited speculation about when former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley would end her presidential campaign during the Republican primaries, whether Robert F. Kennedy would pull the plug on his independent presidential campaign, and who both parties would pick as their vice presidential candidates as examples.

“A handful of people knew about [vice president picks] before it was public. It would be financially beneficial for someone to throw a couple [of] thousand dollars into that market,” he said.

Prime Minister Rishi Sunak (C) and his wife Akshata Murty (in yellow) at the launch of the Conservative Party general election manifesto at Silverstone race track in Northamptonshire, England, on June 11, 2024. James Manning/PA

The CFTC, in its challenge, noted that bets had been placed on the July 4 British general election date before Prime Minister Rishi Sunak officially announced it in May.

“It is very hard to see this gray area without some rules,” Allen said.

“Claiming that betting in elections is going to lead to issues with democracy and election integrity is one of the most ridiculous things I ever heard,” Zubkoff said, calling them “elections integrity dog whistles.”

Critics “are sort of lashing out,” he continued.

“It is a total misunderstanding. As someone who has traded in these markets, I haven’t seen anything that remotely constitutes a threat” to election integrity.

Zubkoff said Kalshi “very clearly has the better arguments” and cited the Supreme Court’s Chevron repeal as momentum that “bodes well for the future” of predictive elections markets.

He believes the appellate court will deny CFTC’s motion to extend the stay, and placed the odds of Kalshi getting a “yes” to go online before November’s elections at 60 percent.

Zubkoff noted that just like predictive elections markets, those odds could change in real-time during the hearing. “I could give you much better odds while listening to the hearing just based on the questions the judges ask,” he said.

Allen said the odds are “better than 60-40” that Kalshi will win its case, before qualifying that prediction with the ultimate hedge: “I don’t know how much money I would put on that.”

Tyler Durden
Thu, 09/19/2024 – 09:30

Lebanon PM urges UN to take firm stance over Israel's 'technological war'

Lebanon PM urges UN to take firm stance over Israel’s ‘technological war’

Lebanon’s Prime Minister called Thursday for the United Nations to oppose Israel’s “technological war” on his country ahead of a Security Council meeting on exploding devices used by Hezbollah that killed 32 people. Najib Mikati said in a statement the UN Security Council meeting on Friday should “take a firm stance to stop the Israeli […]

The post Lebanon PM urges UN to take firm stance over Israel’s ‘technological war’ appeared first on Insider Paper.

Russia's Shadow Fleet Is A Ticking Geopolitical Timebomb

Russia’s Shadow Fleet Is A Ticking Geopolitical Timebomb

Russia’s Shadow Fleet Is A Ticking Geopolitical Timebomb

Authored by Antonio Garcia via OilPrice.com,

  • Despite Western sanctions and oil price caps, Russia continues to use an aging “shadow fleet” of tankers to circumvent restrictions, allowing for stable oil exports.

  • Russian oil is now primarily heading to ‘friendly markets’ like China, India, and Turkey.

In response to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the European Union and several other Western countries imposed extensive sanctions on Russia, attempting to stop the trade of Russian oil. In December 2022, the G7 countries decided on an oil price cap. However, Russia has found ways to circumvent these sanctions, primarily through the creation of a “shadow fleet” of oil tankers.

Despite robust US Treasury sanctions targeting the shadow fleet, Russia continues to expand it by incorporating new tankers, allowing for stable exports and further evasion of oil price caps. Only 36% of Russian oil exports were shipped by IG-insured tankers. For other shipments, Russia utilized its shadow fleet, which was responsible for exports of ~2.8 mb/d of crude and 1.1 mb/d of oil products in March 2024.

Kpler data shows that in April 2024, 83% of crude oil and 46% of petroleum products were shipped on shadow tankers. The shrinking role of the mainstream fleet fundamentally undermines the leverage of the price cap.

The shadow fleet is a collection of aging and often poorly maintained vessels with unclear ownership structures and lack of insurance. The number of old, outdated ships departing from Russia has increased dramatically. The EU has recently introduced legislation aimed at cracking down on the sale of mainstream tankers into the Russian shadow trade, but the problem persists. Russia managed to expand its shadow tanker fleet, adding 35 new tankers to replace 41 tankers added to OFAC’s SDN list since December 2023. These tankers, all over 15 years old, are managed outside the EU/G7. With 85% of the tankers aged over 15 years, the risk of oil spills at sea is heightened.

The shadow fleet poses a significant and rising threat to the environment. The aging and underinsured vessels increase the risk of oil spills, a potential catastrophe for which Russia would likely refuse to pay. The vessels can cause collisions, leak oil, malfunction, or even sink, posing a threat to other ships, water, and marine life. With estimates suggesting over 1,400 ships have defected to the dark side serving Russia, the potential for environmental damage is substantial. For instance, since the beginning of 2022, 230 shadow fleet tankers have transported Russian crude oil through the Danish straits on 741 occasions. Also, a shadow fleet tanker on its way to load crude in Russia collided with another ship in the strait between Denmark and Sweden. Last year, a fully loaded oil tanker lost propulsion and drifted off the Danish island of Langeland for six hours. Recovery after any potential oil spill could take decades.

Added to the environmental issue, seaborne Russian oil is almost entirely heading to the Asian markets, with India, China, and Turkey being the biggest buyers. In 2023, 86% of oil exports went to friendly countries compared to 40% in 2021, and 84% of petroleum product exports compared to 30% in 2021. This shift in export destinations highlights the changing geopolitical landscape of the oil market due to the sanctions and the rise of the shadow fleet.

Several measures have been proposed to address the challenges posed by the shadow fleet. These include stricter sanctions on individual vessels, increased scrutiny of financial institutions involved in Russian oil deals, and fines that would limit sales or decommission tankers. The G7 countries are taking measures to tighten control over the price cap and further pressure Russia. The US has introduced a series of sanctions against ships and shipowners suspected of violating the price cap. However, concerns remain that these measures could lead to higher energy prices and escalate tensions with Russia. The Danish foreign ministry has stated that “The Russian shadow fleet is an international problem that requires international solutions.”

The shadow fleet has allowed Russia to circumvent Western sanctions and continue profiting from its oil exports, but it has come at a significant cost. The environmental risks posed by these aging and poorly maintained vessels are alarming, and the shift in oil trade patterns is reshaping the geopolitical landscape. Addressing this complex issue will require concerted international efforts and a delicate balance between maintaining sanctions and ensuring stable energy markets. The situation is unsustainable, and the need for action is becoming increasingly urgent.

Tyler Durden
Thu, 09/19/2024 – 03:30

North Korea claims it tested ballistic missile with 'super-large' warhead

North Korea claims it tested ballistic missile with ‘super-large’ warhead

North Korea claimed Thursday that its latest weapons test had been of a tactical ballistic missile capable of carrying a “super-large” warhead, and a strategic cruise missile, state media reported. Leader Kim Jong Un “guided the test-fires”, the official Korean Central News Agency said, of the “new-type tactical ballistic missile Hwasongpho-11-Da-4.5 and an improved strategic […]

The post North Korea claims it tested ballistic missile with ‘super-large’ warhead appeared first on Insider Paper.