Markets Quake as Monopolist Capital Pursues a Technological Coup
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Markets Quake as Monopolist Capital Pursues a Technological Coup


A serious omission is notable in the circulating list of suspects responsible for the early August quake in global risk-on markets. This is the role of “monopoly capital” in stimulating wild technological change which by-passes potential benign control by the invisible hands of free markets.

In assessing the charge against monopoly capital, the concept of revolution and its differentiation from coup is important. Revolution starts from below amidst a groundswell of new ideas and individual actions. Its continuing progress means at some point an overturning of the status quo regime. A coup by contrast describes a change in regime brought about by deliberate plotting on the part of a group within the present elites,

The distinction is perhaps most obvious in the case of politics. Ryan McMaken reviewed recently how the “October revolution in Russia 1917” in which the Bolsheviks assumed power was a coup not a revolution. We can extend the concept to waves of technological change.

The great technological revolutions of modern times, maybe as far back as the printing press and all the way forward to digitalization say from the early 1990s to 2000s, all started from below. They included at an early-stage great participation from small-sized innovators competing at all stages from basic design to ultimately applications. Competition also remained fierce with the pre-revolution technology. An array of competitors using prior capital equipment technologies exerted a brake on headlong and wasteful adoption of new technologies still untried and underdeveloped to a considerably degree by making bold pre-emptive price-cuts so as to salvage some returns despite obsolescence.

Consider the alternative to such revolution from below – technological change as driven from “above”, albeit featuring still spontaneous innovations in some areas of application. Monopolists or oligopolists or Big Government are then in charge of the process of new technology introduction meaning this has the characteristics of a coup rather than a revolution. The process has special danger as we shall see for the present case of Artificial Intelligence (AI).

Big powerful existing technology firms who control already the gateway platforms to the internet are playing a key role both in the technical innovations (developing the language models) and then in deploying massive capital to implement them. Spending by just 5 Big Tech companies – Alphabet, Apple, Amazon, Meta and Microsoft – on AI amounted to $60bn in 2024Q2, up 65% from a year earlier.

Commentators stress the importance of FOMO (fear of missing out); present monopolists have been fearful of profits erosion by new entrants to the tech industry if they do not act first, safeguarding the “kill zones” around their existing products and services. Yes, there are many unicorns amongst the start-ups which are seeking to apply AI. But, that is much further downstream in the process of technological change and is not a threat to the tech monopolists’ profit. Indeed, the opposite is true given the likely structure of monopoly fees for access to key inputs.

Commentators and indeed even great economists have exposed themselves to the charge of obsequious acquiescence in technological change whatever its form. Some have lauded the role of monopoly power in accelerating the process. We can go all the way back to Schumpeter’s conversion to a belief (opposite to in his early writings) that temporary monopoly power is beneficial in intensifying the process of creative destruction and thereby technological change.

The obsequiousness apparent in widespread societal attitudes to those leading the technological change, even if ugly in key respects, can be explained by the perception that technological revolution is intrinsic to how capitalism builds prosperity over time. We all know those charts showing an explosion of economic growth in the past two hundred years which accompany the new phenomenon of persistent waves of technological change.

Yet all of this is not to say that bigger and more rapid revolutions are always a Good Thing. The invisible hands of the market ideally influence the pace and extent of technological change so as to maximize possible living standards over time. But this means neither driving too fast into the forest of the unknown rather than benefiting from the passage of time to learn about the downsides nor jettisoning ruthlessly earlier technologies meaning immediate obsolescence of pre-existing capital stock. There is no guarantee that on every occasion the invisible hands will succeed in that mission – but as for democracy we can say they are a better proposition than the alternatives for that purpose.

The empirical evidence in favour of non-competitive conditions spurring technological change is at best ambiguous. And we should be wary of economists asserting as a tautology that faster technological progress is always better than slower. The invisible hands should restrain as well as incentivize. The invisible hands of market forces ideally determine the pace of technological change including application in a highly decentralized way (not amongst a cabal of oligopolists) across a vast array of economic activities at an enterprise level.

Even under sound money and highly competitive markets in product and services it is possible for the invisible hands to preside over serious error in the path of technological change. Most obviously there might be a failure at the start for all to envisage snags in the technology and large ensuing costs. And the guardrails of free market capitalism might fail in the context of the new technology, allowing powerful monopolies to form and much malfeasance to occur especially as regards the trampling over pre-existing property rights (including ownership of private information).

Let’s illustrate these concerns with the IT revolution, starting broadly in the 1990s, and under at first highly competitive conditions, but almost continuously under conditions if monetary inflation. It is implausible that the full extent of virus vulnerability in much of the new software was at all apparent in the early years – or the extent of resources which would have to be deployed in defence and the possible inadequacies of this. Yet once the true extent of the costs become apparent, there is no going back.

Monetary inflation has crippled or distorted seriously the invisible hands beyond the amount due to just stark flaws of original vision. A characteristic of asset inflation is search for yield amidst speculative narratives which spread without the normal push-back from sober rationality. Especially in a very low-interest rate environment investors become entranced by the possibility of a long-run stream of monopoly rents emerging; firms which promise this as part of their speculative narrative enjoy a premium. The scope for monopoly in the IT revolution has been notorious – network effects and establishing gateway platforms. And persistent asset inflation has abetted the growth of monopoly capital. Yield-hungry investors have collectively put large premiums on the equity of enterprises with a plausible path to achieving a long-run stream of monopoly rents.

The monopoly capitalists attained new scope to plot a technology coup in recent years with the advent of AI. An eye-opener to the extent of malevolence is now evident in legal dispute between Elon Musk as co-founder and original key financier of Open AI and its chief executive Sam Altman. Musk accusing Altman of deceptively maintaining at the start that Open AI was a non-profit research institute rather than an enterprise in which a controlling partnership via a subsidiary – would subsequently be consummated with Microsoft (also in at the start with Open AI).

It is implausible that the processes of monopoly-led coups will lead to anything like the optimal rate of technological progress which could likely emerge under sound money and competitive capitalism. Extreme optimism has reigned in the marketplace about the potential monopoly profits (in this example via Chat GBT) from such “plots amongst the oligopolists” – hence all the buzz about the magnificent seven amidst a chorus including Nobel economists and Big Business titans about the productivity surge which lies ahead.

Pessimism though can suddenly break out as we saw in early August. The uninformed child can call out that the emperor is naked. Those tens of billions of capital expenditure by the monopolists on AI, where will be the return? Such doubts would multiply if monetary inflation were indeed now losing strength, perhaps because the rhythm of goods prices is no longer downwards given that supply conditions have generally normalized two to three years on from the pandemic. Monetary authorities will have to work harder (in terms of exerting monetary restraint) to achieve their two per cent inflation target than was the case during 2023-4.

Bottom line: technological change related to AI is occurring largely under the control of the monopolists who rule over the great gateway platforms and has the characteristics of coup rather than revolution. The coup has been featuring a wave of tremendous spending by Big Tech. Jitters have been evident recently in the marketplace that this has gone far beyond what can produce good returns in the future. Hence considerable financial instability and economic disappointment would lie ahead.

 


Originally Posted at https://mises.org/


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Key Battle On Election-Betting Market Heads To Appeals Court

Key Battle On Election-Betting Market Heads To Appeals Court

Key Battle On Election-Betting Market Heads To Appeals Court

Authored by John Haughey via The Epoch Times,

A legal battle over the future of a website’s election prediction market is set to continue on Sept. 19, when an appeals court hears the case of Kalshi v. CFTC, a decision that could reshape how Americans engage in political discourse.

The three-judge U.S. Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit will be considering whether individuals should be permitted to purchase contracts to participate in predictive markets that trade on the outcome of elections. If so, should these markets be regulated like other financial exchanges and commodity markets or as a form of gambling?

New York-based KalshiEx LLC argues that the elections market section of its website is a derivatives trading platform where participants buy and sell contracts based on projected outcomes of events, such as elections, and should be regulated no differently than grain futures that investors purchase as hedges against price fluctuations.

These markets provide a “public benefit” by gauging public sentiment in real-time, Kalshi maintains, a valuable guide for policymakers, politicians, and pundits in charting the public pulse.

The Commodity Futures Trading Commission (CFTC), which regulates the U.S. derivatives markets, argues that Kalshi’s platform blurs the line between commodity trading and gambling, and should not be viewed the same as futures contracts.

The commission maintains that Kalshi’s market puts it in a position to be a de facto elections regulator, which it is not designed to be. Such contracts provide no “public interest” and, in fact, pose a risk to electoral integrity and could potentially incentivize manipulation and fraud, the CFTC argues.

Those conflicting contentions are the core of what the appellate panel will deliberate on before it decides to lift or sustain its stay on U.S. District Judge Jia Cobb’s Sept. 6 ruling in favor of the platform. Judge Cobbs found that the defendant, CFTC, exceeded its statutory authority as a Wall Street regulator when it issued a September 2023 order stopping Kalshi from going online with its market because it is a “prohibited gambling activity.”

Judge Cobbs on Sept. 12 also denied CFTC’s motion for a stay while it mounts an appeal.

After the initial stay request was rejected, Kalshi wasted little time getting its market online. Attorneys for the CFTC were also busy, and within hours secured a stay from the appeals court, setting the stage for the 2 p.m. Sept. 19 hearing.

In the brief time before trading was paused “pending court process” late Sept. 12, more than 65,000 contracts had been sold on the questions, “Which party will control the House?” and “Which party will control the Senate?

The appellate panel will essentially be engaged in a technical legal debate over the definition of “gaming” and “gambling,” and how they would apply, in this case, to any potential regulation.

In its Sept. 13 filing calling for the stay to be lifted, Kalshi rejected CFTC’s definition that trading on election prediction markets is “gaming.”

“An election is not a game. It is not staged for entertainment or for sport. And, unlike the outcome of a game, the outcome of an election carries vast extrinsic and economic consequences,” it maintains.

The CFTC said in its Sept. 14 filing that because “Kalshi’s contracts involve staking something of value on the outcome of elections, they fall within the ordinary definition of ‘gaming.’”

‘Horse Has Left the Barn’

Regardless of how the panel rules, “The horse has left the barn,” said data consultant Mick Bransfield, of Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, who trades on Kalshi’s website and purchased a “Senate control” contract.

There are ample opportunities to place election wagers on offshore websites such as New Zealand-based PredictIt, which imposes strict spending limits; on websites such as Polymarket, a New York-based platform that cannot legally accept wagers from within the United States; or the American Civics Exchange, where businesses and high net worth individuals can purchase “binary derivative contracts” through proxies tied to policy and electoral outcomes as hedges against “unpredictable electoral, legislative, and regulatory events.”

Predictit.org/Screenshot via The Epoch Times

“Elections predictive markets have been around since 1988 in the United States,” Bransfield told The Epoch Times, adding that the issue is “more nuanced than people realize.”

That nuance, said Carl Allen, author of The Polls Weren’t Wrong, is that Kalshi’s platform would be the first federally regulated U.S.-based predictive elections market open to all individuals without spending limits.

“To me, the question is not should it be regulated, the question is how? I think that is where we are,” Allen, who writes about predictive markets on substack, told The Epoch Times.

“It’s challenging to get your arms around this because there are so many organizations involved with it,” he said. “We’re reaching a really interesting point with sports betting going from totally disallowed, except for in Vegas and a few brick-and-mortar [stores], to being everywhere; crypto currency drastically growing; ETFs [Exchange-Traded Funds] getting big;” and Kashi attempting to open a predictive market on election outcomes.

Prediction market trader and Kalshi community manager Jonathan Zubkoff, who also writes about predictive markets and wagering, said the CFTC’s claim that elections markets are betting websites is mistaken.

“It’s not the same as sports betting” where there is “a line posted and billions of dollars are traded against it across different time zones,” prompting the odds to fluctuate, he told The Epoch Times.

“If you are looking at a line [to bet] on a Friday night for a Sunday game, there’s no hedge whatsoever.”

In elections markets, “there actually is a hedge” that gives people an opportunity to put money where “their bias is,” Zubkoff said.

Coalition For Political Forecasting Executive Director Pratik Chougule said another difference between sports betting and other types of gambling and predictive elections markets is that “unlike many other forms of speculation, the wagering here has a real public interest benefit. These markets inform in a way that is very beneficial.”

In October 2023, Chougule told The Epoch Times that elections markets reflect predictive science, citing numerous studies documenting that political betting websites are better indicators of public sentiment than any other measure except the election results themselves, including a study by Professor David Rothschild of the University of Pennsylvania’s Wharton School of Business.

“Polling is very unreliable,” he said. “And so we basically believe that, in order to promote good forecasting for the public interest, we believe that political betting is one solution to that because, at the end of the day when you have people wagering their own money on the line, that creates incentives that are very hard to replicate through other ways.”

Chougule, who hosts the podcast Star Spangled Gamblers, believes that, while not always accurate, election predictive markets are the best gauge of public sentiment in real-time.

“When they make a prediction, they are putting their money on the line,” he said. “It’s a pretty clear barometer of how an election is going.”

‘Gray Area’ Needs Rules

Chougule said he was “pessimistic” that Kalshi’s elections market would be online by Nov. 5.

“I think when you look at the landscape at the federal and state level, at Congress, at federal agencies, [there is] fear and skepticism and concern about what widespread elections betting could mean for our democratic institutions,” he said. “I don’t agree but it’s a fact.”

Bransfield said he was surprised by Cobb’s ruling against the regulators. “It did not seem the district court would side with Kalshi after the oral arguments in May,” he said. “The judge referred to elections contracts as ‘icky.’ That gave me the assumption that it would be unpalatable to her.”

But there is reason to be deliberative, Bransfield said.

“We should always be concerned about the integrity of our elections but these elections contracts have been around for so long,” he said, noting that more than $1 billion in 2024 U.S. elections contracts have already been purchased in the United Kingdom alone. “All those concerns already exist and have for a long time.”

Certainly, Allen said, “there are a lot of downstream effects that we are going to see from this,” but some fears are unfounded.

Unlike a sports contest where one player can affect the outcome, it would take a widespread concerted effort to “fix” an election, he said. Nevertheless, there is “potential for unscrupulous actors to release a hot tip” that could affect predictive markets.

Allen cited speculation about when former South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley would end her presidential campaign during the Republican primaries, whether Robert F. Kennedy would pull the plug on his independent presidential campaign, and who both parties would pick as their vice presidential candidates as examples.

“A handful of people knew about [vice president picks] before it was public. It would be financially beneficial for someone to throw a couple [of] thousand dollars into that market,” he said.

Prime Minister Rishi Sunak (C) and his wife Akshata Murty (in yellow) at the launch of the Conservative Party general election manifesto at Silverstone race track in Northamptonshire, England, on June 11, 2024. James Manning/PA

The CFTC, in its challenge, noted that bets had been placed on the July 4 British general election date before Prime Minister Rishi Sunak officially announced it in May.

“It is very hard to see this gray area without some rules,” Allen said.

“Claiming that betting in elections is going to lead to issues with democracy and election integrity is one of the most ridiculous things I ever heard,” Zubkoff said, calling them “elections integrity dog whistles.”

Critics “are sort of lashing out,” he continued.

“It is a total misunderstanding. As someone who has traded in these markets, I haven’t seen anything that remotely constitutes a threat” to election integrity.

Zubkoff said Kalshi “very clearly has the better arguments” and cited the Supreme Court’s Chevron repeal as momentum that “bodes well for the future” of predictive elections markets.

He believes the appellate court will deny CFTC’s motion to extend the stay, and placed the odds of Kalshi getting a “yes” to go online before November’s elections at 60 percent.

Zubkoff noted that just like predictive elections markets, those odds could change in real-time during the hearing. “I could give you much better odds while listening to the hearing just based on the questions the judges ask,” he said.

Allen said the odds are “better than 60-40” that Kalshi will win its case, before qualifying that prediction with the ultimate hedge: “I don’t know how much money I would put on that.”

Tyler Durden
Thu, 09/19/2024 – 09:30

Lebanon PM urges UN to take firm stance over Israel's 'technological war'

Lebanon PM urges UN to take firm stance over Israel’s ‘technological war’

Lebanon’s Prime Minister called Thursday for the United Nations to oppose Israel’s “technological war” on his country ahead of a Security Council meeting on exploding devices used by Hezbollah that killed 32 people. Najib Mikati said in a statement the UN Security Council meeting on Friday should “take a firm stance to stop the Israeli […]

The post Lebanon PM urges UN to take firm stance over Israel’s ‘technological war’ appeared first on Insider Paper.

Russia's Shadow Fleet Is A Ticking Geopolitical Timebomb

Russia’s Shadow Fleet Is A Ticking Geopolitical Timebomb

Russia’s Shadow Fleet Is A Ticking Geopolitical Timebomb

Authored by Antonio Garcia via OilPrice.com,

  • Despite Western sanctions and oil price caps, Russia continues to use an aging “shadow fleet” of tankers to circumvent restrictions, allowing for stable oil exports.

  • Russian oil is now primarily heading to ‘friendly markets’ like China, India, and Turkey.

In response to Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine in February 2022, the European Union and several other Western countries imposed extensive sanctions on Russia, attempting to stop the trade of Russian oil. In December 2022, the G7 countries decided on an oil price cap. However, Russia has found ways to circumvent these sanctions, primarily through the creation of a “shadow fleet” of oil tankers.

Despite robust US Treasury sanctions targeting the shadow fleet, Russia continues to expand it by incorporating new tankers, allowing for stable exports and further evasion of oil price caps. Only 36% of Russian oil exports were shipped by IG-insured tankers. For other shipments, Russia utilized its shadow fleet, which was responsible for exports of ~2.8 mb/d of crude and 1.1 mb/d of oil products in March 2024.

Kpler data shows that in April 2024, 83% of crude oil and 46% of petroleum products were shipped on shadow tankers. The shrinking role of the mainstream fleet fundamentally undermines the leverage of the price cap.

The shadow fleet is a collection of aging and often poorly maintained vessels with unclear ownership structures and lack of insurance. The number of old, outdated ships departing from Russia has increased dramatically. The EU has recently introduced legislation aimed at cracking down on the sale of mainstream tankers into the Russian shadow trade, but the problem persists. Russia managed to expand its shadow tanker fleet, adding 35 new tankers to replace 41 tankers added to OFAC’s SDN list since December 2023. These tankers, all over 15 years old, are managed outside the EU/G7. With 85% of the tankers aged over 15 years, the risk of oil spills at sea is heightened.

The shadow fleet poses a significant and rising threat to the environment. The aging and underinsured vessels increase the risk of oil spills, a potential catastrophe for which Russia would likely refuse to pay. The vessels can cause collisions, leak oil, malfunction, or even sink, posing a threat to other ships, water, and marine life. With estimates suggesting over 1,400 ships have defected to the dark side serving Russia, the potential for environmental damage is substantial. For instance, since the beginning of 2022, 230 shadow fleet tankers have transported Russian crude oil through the Danish straits on 741 occasions. Also, a shadow fleet tanker on its way to load crude in Russia collided with another ship in the strait between Denmark and Sweden. Last year, a fully loaded oil tanker lost propulsion and drifted off the Danish island of Langeland for six hours. Recovery after any potential oil spill could take decades.

Added to the environmental issue, seaborne Russian oil is almost entirely heading to the Asian markets, with India, China, and Turkey being the biggest buyers. In 2023, 86% of oil exports went to friendly countries compared to 40% in 2021, and 84% of petroleum product exports compared to 30% in 2021. This shift in export destinations highlights the changing geopolitical landscape of the oil market due to the sanctions and the rise of the shadow fleet.

Several measures have been proposed to address the challenges posed by the shadow fleet. These include stricter sanctions on individual vessels, increased scrutiny of financial institutions involved in Russian oil deals, and fines that would limit sales or decommission tankers. The G7 countries are taking measures to tighten control over the price cap and further pressure Russia. The US has introduced a series of sanctions against ships and shipowners suspected of violating the price cap. However, concerns remain that these measures could lead to higher energy prices and escalate tensions with Russia. The Danish foreign ministry has stated that “The Russian shadow fleet is an international problem that requires international solutions.”

The shadow fleet has allowed Russia to circumvent Western sanctions and continue profiting from its oil exports, but it has come at a significant cost. The environmental risks posed by these aging and poorly maintained vessels are alarming, and the shift in oil trade patterns is reshaping the geopolitical landscape. Addressing this complex issue will require concerted international efforts and a delicate balance between maintaining sanctions and ensuring stable energy markets. The situation is unsustainable, and the need for action is becoming increasingly urgent.

Tyler Durden
Thu, 09/19/2024 – 03:30

North Korea claims it tested ballistic missile with 'super-large' warhead

North Korea claims it tested ballistic missile with ‘super-large’ warhead

North Korea claimed Thursday that its latest weapons test had been of a tactical ballistic missile capable of carrying a “super-large” warhead, and a strategic cruise missile, state media reported. Leader Kim Jong Un “guided the test-fires”, the official Korean Central News Agency said, of the “new-type tactical ballistic missile Hwasongpho-11-Da-4.5 and an improved strategic […]

The post North Korea claims it tested ballistic missile with ‘super-large’ warhead appeared first on Insider Paper.