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The combination of extremely tight beef supplies in the US, with the national cattle herd size sliding to the lowest levels since 1951 and new estimates of declining beef production in agricultural juggernaut Brazil, points to elevated burger prices for the foreseeable future, yet more bad news for cash-strapped consumers struggling with rampant food inflation.

Bloomberg cited consulting firm Datagro analyst Joao Otavio Figueiredo’s presentation at a conference in Sao Paulo this week, which noted Brazil’s cattle availability is expected to decline as early as next year. This essentially means the cost of producing beef will rise, straining global supplies of red meat at a time when the South American country has ramped up exports of beef to the US. 

Figueiredo expects Brazil’s animal slaughter rates to fall 4.6% next year and 7.5% in 2026. This means that years of expanding beef production capacity in South America are ending abruptly. This is happening at a time when US companies are turning to Brazil for beef supplies to counter extremely tight domestic supplies, the lowest since 1951. 

“The reduction in the Brazilian cattle herd comes when beef production is already constrained by a severe shortage of slaughter-weight animals in the US, which has eroded profits for processors such as Tyson Foods Inc. and Cargill Inc. That is unwelcome news for JBS SA, Marfrig Global Foods SA and Minerva SA, which rely on Brazilian cattle for a sizable share of their beef output,” Bloomberg noted. 

Notice how US meat imports from Brazil have ramped up in the last several years.

Data from Statista shows that in 2022 , the imports of beef from Canada and Mexico to the US were 51%, while Brazil was in the number three spot with 14%. 

No one is coming to the rescue to save the rapidly deteriorating US beef cattle herd.

Retail ground beef prices at the supermarket continue marching higher.

According to VP Harris, the solution to rising beef and food prices is communist price controls… 

We don’t expect a meaningful rebound in the nation’s beef cattle supply until at least 2026. It will take years.

Maybe the Fed can print more beef? Oh wait, no, but you know who can: Bill Gates.

Authored by  Nadia Schadlow & Craig Mundie via The Epoch Times (emphasis ours),

American policymakers have spent years decrying the loss or impending loss of key competitive sectors to China, including 5G telecommunications networks, solar panels, advanced manufacturing, and quantum computing. Recently, it was reported that China was outspending the United States on fusion energy and that it could surpass U.S. fusion capabilities in three to four years. The United States can’t let this happen.

Fusion will provide reliable, carbon-free electricity for an expanding global economy. That will have profound geopolitical consequences. If we allow China to dominate fusion technology and to deploy it at scale at home and abroad, Beijing will hold a central position in the geopolitics of energy going forward.

Fusion occurs when two atoms combine into one, releasing astronomical amounts of energy. Some new fusion designs produce superheated plasma that can reach temperatures of up to 100 million degrees Celsius, producing energy with minimal radiation risks.

For generations, fusion has been the stuff of science fiction because of the challenge of recreating the physics of the sun in a controlled environment on earth. But in the last few years, scientists and engineers, working on competing models for producing fusion, have made transformational progress on several classes of daunting problems, faster than the public perceives.  And faster than U.S. policy is reflecting.

Just as important as the physics behind these milestones are the advances in key “adjacent technologies” that help to manage the hot plasma at the heart of all fusion reactions. Advances in fiber optics, semiconductors, and computing, including AI, have been critical to progress. Power semiconductors have allowed the introduction of different fusion architectures, creating more opportunities and faster progress. Advanced fiber optics mean we don’t have to worry about electromagnetic interference. Powerful computers allow this intricate atomic ballet to be choreographed and repeated thousands of times per second.

Thanks to American innovation and determination, the fusion moment is here. When matched with private sector investment, it’s a potent force. But we could lose this moment to China unless the U.S. government takes steps now to accelerate manufacturing at scale and deployment.

First, fusion must be considered a considered a key part of the shift to clean energy. The focus for years has been almost exclusively on renewable solar and wind – which cannot solve the problem of intermittent energy. A Department of Energy report in 2022 advanced a U.S. strategy to secure supply chains for “Robust Clean Energy Transition” without mentioning fusion. The Biden Administration’s “Decadal Vision” for commercial fusion was a corrective, but fusion will need wider acceptance to take its place in the world’s energy mix.

Second, the U.S. government must create a regulatory environment that differentiates modern fusion technology from 20th century nuclear energy and that allows for scaled deployment. The Nuclear Regulatory Commission – which controls matters related to fission and fusion energy – has taken some important first steps. In April 2023, for example, it acknowledged that fusion energy should be treated as a technology separate from nuclear fission. Notably, the U.K. government also ruled on the “fundamental differences between nuclear fission and fusion” and that it would be “unnecessary to incorporate fusion energy facilities into nuclear regulation.”  These are key steps toward a regulatory structure that would allow U.S. companies to produce fusion generators at scale. We can’t afford to wait 10 years to plan for power plants to come on-line. Just as our airline industry produces scores of airplane designs without having to separately approve each plane, U.S. fusion companies need to be able to manufacture generators in a repeatable way in large-scale factories to be effective.

Deploying fusion generators at scale will have the added benefit of catalyzing American manufacturing. But to achieve this, the U.S. needs to make the needed components. Most attention in the Act is focused on leading-edge microchips for computing – the kinds that are now primarily made in Taiwan. But it’s critical that the United States and its allies produce the kind of other semiconductors that enable the sophisticated physics synthesis required by fusion. Currently, a large majority of high-power semiconductor production and innovation takes place outside the United States.

Third, loan programs and tax incentives that apply to renewables need to be opened up to fusion. Currently for example, the production tax credit for manufacturing is geared towards renewables and does not include fusion. These programs and various Department of Energy efforts, while well-funded, need to prioritize fusion.

In the 19th century, the great powers scrambled to develop technology and secure petroleum supplies around the globe to ensure a secure foothold in the energy future. Today, a similar scramble is unfolding. Electrification for economic growth coupled with the new energy requirements of generative AI – which are immense – together will have critical geostrategic consequences. Beijing recognizes that fusion is a source of near-unlimited energy and that achieving it at scale will not only give China the energy independence it craves but also a leading position as supplier of these new sources of energy around the world.

Fusion is a moonshot opportunity. We can’t afford to miss it.     

Nadia Schadlow is a Senior Fellow at the Hudson Institute. Craig Mundie was formerly the Chief Research and Strategy Officer at Microsoft. Both are strategic advisors to Helion Energy, a U.S. based fusion energy company.

Authored by Antonio Graceffo via The Epoch Times,

The U.S. Navy has released a document outlining its plans to match and exceed Beijing’s goal of modernizing its military by 2027, aiming to be prepared for a potential conflict with the Chinese regime.

The Chinese Communist Party (CCP) has directed the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to be fully modernized and prepared for war by 2027, coinciding with the PLA’s 100th anniversary. This timeline has raised concerns about a possible invasion of Taiwan, as Chinese leader Xi Jinping focuses on military reforms to ensure the PLA can deter or win a conflict over the island.

The CCP’s strategy goes beyond expanding its navy. It incorporates multi-domain precision warfare, dual-use infrastructure (like airfields and maritime militias), and an expanding nuclear arsenal—and it is supported by the world’s largest shipbuilding capacity.

The U.S. Navy’s 2024 Navigation Plan, led by Adm. Lisa Franchetti, focuses on preparing for a potential conflict with communist China by 2027. Central to this strategy is Project 33, which aims at enhancing the Navy’s long-term advantage and operational readiness. The plan prioritizes modernizing equipment and improving force deployment capabilities, particularly by scaling up the use of robotic and autonomous systems for swift, decisive responses, especially in the Indo-Pacific region.

Project 33 sets two key goals: achieving 80 percent combat readiness for ships, aircraft, and submarines by 2027, and integrating advanced technologies like artificial intelligence and unmanned systems. These initiatives are designed to strengthen the Navy’s ability to respond effectively to emerging threats, specifically focusing on maintaining superiority in the Indo-Pacific.

The U.S. Navy aims to develop three key priorities: long-range fires, non-traditional sea denial, and terminal defense. Long-range fires enable the Navy to strike from a safe distance using advanced missiles and precision-guided weapons, enhancing power projection. Non-traditional sea denial employs methods like cyber warfare, drones, and electromagnetic operations to block adversary access to strategic maritime areas. Terminal defense focuses on protecting naval assets with advanced missile and anti-aircraft systems designed to intercept threats in their final phase.

The U.S. Navy is enhancing its command-and-control capabilities by developing Maritime Operations Centers (MOCs), which are critical for fleet-level warfare. These centers serve as nerve hubs, coordinating naval forces across multi-domain environments, including land, sea, air, space, and cyberspace. MOCs are essential for managing real-time information, directing fleet movements, and overseeing key functions like intelligence, logistics, and communications.

Franchetti stresses the need to mirror China’s military modernization, particularly in integrating technologies like artificial intelligence. To stay competitive in an information-driven battlespace, the Navy is developing MOCs as full-fledged warfighting systems, ensuring they are resilient, adaptable, and ready for decentralized operations. By 2027, the Navy plans to certify MOCs across all fleet headquarters, starting with the Pacific Fleet. These centers will enhance command and control, intelligence, fires, and sustainment functions, boosting decision-making and operational capabilities during crises and conflicts.

The U.S. Navy is closely studying current global conflicts to shape its approach to future sea control. Ukraine’s effective use of missiles, drones, and digital tools against Russian forces has provided key insights for U.S. military strategies, particularly for potential conflicts in the Indo-Pacific. Additionally, the Navy has observed the role drones and ballistic missiles have played in battles against Yemen’s Houthi rebels in the Red Sea, further informing how the Navy prepares for modern warfare. These lessons are crucial for adapting to evolving threats and ensuring readiness in an increasingly complex battlespace.

Unmanned vehicles and weapons systems have played a crucial role in modern warfare, as seen in both Ukraine and the 2020 Armenia–Azerbaijan conflict. Autonomous and remotely operated systems, like drones, have proven highly effective for reconnaissance, precision strikes, and disrupting enemy logistics, all without risking human lives. Recognizing this shift, Franchetti has prioritized integrating unmanned systems, including naval drones and unmanned underwater vehicles (UUVs), into U.S. Navy operations.

UUVs are key technologies in modern naval operations. These systems come in two types: autonomous underwater vehicles, which operate independently, and remotely operated vehicles, which an operator controls. Often referred to as naval or underwater drones, UUVs perform tasks like surveillance, mine detection, and environmental monitoring. Franchetti views these robotic systems as the future of warfare, not just for their efficiency but for their ability to free up sailors for other vital tasks. By deploying autonomous systems for missions like surveillance or combat, the Navy can reallocate human personnel to areas where their expertise is most needed, enhancing operational flexibility and overall readiness.

The U.S. Navy’s plan prioritizes integrating robotic and autonomous systems into routine operations by 2027, ensuring their active use by commanders in carrier and expeditionary strike groups. The focus is on improving coordination between manned and unmanned teams, particularly in areas like surveillance, fires, logistics, and deception. This initiative is part of a broader strategy to enhance command, control, and overall operational effectiveness in complex, multi-domain environments.

In addition to preparing for a potential conflict over Taiwan, the Navy’s 2024 Navigation Plan prioritizes maintaining a free and open Indo-Pacific, ensuring critical shipping lanes like the Strait of Malacca and Taiwan Strait remain accessible for global trade.

Meanwhile, China’s anti-access/area denial (A2/AD) strategy aims to limit the ability of the United States and its allies to operate freely in key areas such as the East and South China Seas, particularly the Taiwan Strait. Central to China’s military doctrine, A2/AD seeks to shift the strategic balance by making it difficult for external forces to intervene in what Beijing considers its sphere of influence. Despite this, the U.S. Navy is rapidly modernizing to meet these challenges and is prepared to counter the CCP’s regional dominance efforts.