America Now Has Fewer Employed Workers than It Did a Year Ago
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America Now Has Fewer Employed Workers than It Did a Year Ago

The total number of employed persons has fallen by 66,000 since August of 2023.

Moreover, the new job growth is almost all in part-time jobs.

Be sure to follow the Loot and Lobby podcast at Mises.org/LL


What is the Mises Institute?

The Mises Institute is a non-profit organization that exists to promote teaching and research in the Austrian School of economics, individual freedom, honest history, and international peace, in the tradition of Ludwig von Mises and Murray N. Rothbard.

Non-political, non-partisan, and non-PC, we advocate a radical shift in the intellectual climate, away from statism and toward a private property order. We believe that our foundational ideas are of permanent value, and oppose all efforts at compromise, sellout, and amalgamation of these ideas with fashionable political, cultural, and social doctrines inimical to their spirit.

 


Originally Posted at https://mises.org/


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US confirms first bird flu case without animal contact
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US confirms first bird flu case without animal contact

A person in the state of Missouri has become the first in the United States to test positive for bird flu without a known exposure to infected animals, authorities said Friday.

The adult patient, who has underlying conditions, was admitted to hospital on August 22, received antiviral medications against influenza, then recovered and was discharged, according to statements from the Centers for Control and Disease Prevention and the Missouri Department of Health and Senior Services.

Because the patient’s flu type appeared suspicious on an initial test, it was sent for additional testing in state and federal laboratories, which revealed it was H5, also known as avian flu or bird flu.

The person was the 14th to test positive for bird flu in the US this year, and the first without known contact with animals.

Indeed, “no H5 infection in dairy cattle has been reported in Missouri” said the Missouri health department, though “some H5 cases in commercial or backyard flocks and wild birds have been reported.”

All previous bird flu cases in the United States have been among farmworkers, including the very first, in 2022.

Bird flu is most commonly found in wild birds and poultry, but has more recently been detected in mammals, with a cattle outbreak seen across the country this year. It can occasionally infect humans through close contact or contaminated environments.

While the CDC continues to assess the risk to the public as low, “circumstances may change quickly as more information is learned,” it said.

In the decades since H5 has been found in humans, there have been rare cases where an animal source cannot be identified, but there has so far not been evidence of sustained human-to-human transmission, which would significantly increase the threat level.



https://insiderpaper.com/


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Old satellite to burn up over Pacific in 'targeted' re-entry first
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Old satellite to burn up over Pacific in ‘targeted’ re-entry first

After 24 years diligently studying Earth’s magnetic field, a satellite will mostly burn up over the Pacific Ocean on Sunday during a “targeted” re-entry into the atmosphere, in a first for the European Space Agency as it seeks to reduce space debris.

Since launching in 2000, the Salsa satellite has helped shed light on the magnetosphere, the powerful magnetic shield that protects Earth from solar winds — and without which the planet would be uninhabitable.

According to the ESA, Salsa’s return home will mark the first-ever “targeted” re-entry for a satellite, which means it will fall back to Earth at a specific time and place but will not be controlled as it re-enters the atmosphere.

Teams on the ground have already performed a series of manoeuvres with the 550-kilogram (1,200-pound) satellite to ensure it burns up over a remote and uninhabited region of the South Pacific, off the coast of Chile.

This unique re-entry is possible because of Salsa’s unusual oval-shaped orbit. During its swing around the planet, which takes two and half days, the satellite strays as far as 130,000 kilometres (80,000 miles), and comes as close as just a few hundred kilometres.

Bruno Sousa, head of the ESA’s inner solar system missions operations unit, said it had been crucial that Salsa came within roughly 110 kilometres during its last two orbits.

“Then immediately on the next orbit, it would come down at 80 kilometres, which is the region in space already within the atmosphere, where we have the highest chance (for it) to be fully captured and burned,” he told a press conference.

When a satellite starts entering the atmosphere at around 100 kilometres above sea level, intense friction with atmospheric particles — and the heat this causes — starts making them disintegrate.

But some fragments can still make it back down to Earth.

– Fear of ‘cascading’ space junk –

The ESA is hoping to pinpoint where Salsa, roughly the size of a small car, re-enters the atmosphere to within a few hundred metres.

Because the satellite is so old, it does not have fancy new tech — like a recording device — making tracking this part tricky.

A plane will be flying at an altitude of 10 kilometres to watch the satellite burn up — and track its falling debris, which is expected to be just 10 percent of its original mass.

Salsa is just one of four satellites that make up the ESA’s Cluster mission, which is coming to an end. The other three are scheduled for a similar fate in 2025 and 2026.

The ESA hopes to learn from these re-entries which type of materials do not burn up in the atmosphere, so that “in the future we can build satellites that can be totally evaporated by this process,” Sousa said.

Scientists have been sounding the alarm about space junk, which is the debris left by the enormous number of dead satellites and other missions that continue orbiting our planet.

Last year the ESA signed a “zero debris” charter for its missions from 2030.

There are two main risks from space junk, according to the ESA’s space debris system engineer Benjamin Bastida Virgili.

“One is that in orbit, you have the risk that your operational satellite collides with a piece of space debris, and that creates a cascading effect and generates more debris, which would then put in risk other missions,” he said.

The second comes when the old debris re-enters the atmosphere, which happens almost daily as dead satellite fragments or rocket parts fall back to Earth.

Designing satellites that completely burn up in the atmosphere will mean there is “no risk for the population,” Bastida Virgili emphasised.

But there is little cause for alarm. According to the ESA, the chance of a piece of space debris injuring someone on the ground is less than one in a hundred billion.

This is 65,000 times lower than the odds of being struck by lightning.



https://insiderpaper.com/


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Is Artificial Intelligence the Next Easy-Money Bust?
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Is Artificial Intelligence the Next Easy-Money Bust?


Since early 2022, the big buzz in the tech industry, and among laymen in the general public, has been “artificial intelligence.” While the concept isn’t new—AI has been the term used to describe how computers play games since at least the 1980s—it’s once again captured the public’s imagination.

Before getting into the meat of the article, a brief primer is necessary. When talking about AI, it’s important to understand what is meant. AI can be broken down into seven broad categories. Most of the seven are, at best, hypothetical and do not exist. The type of AI everyone is interested in falls under the category of Limited Memory AI. These are where large language models (LLMs) reside. Since this isn’t a paper on the details, think of LLMs as complex statistical guessing machines. You type in a sentence and it will output something based on the loaded training data that statistically lines up with what you requested.

Based on this technology, LLMs can produce (at least on the surface) impressive results. For example, ask ChatGPT 4.0 (the latest version at the time of writing) the following logic puzzle:

This is a party: {}

This is a jumping bean: B

The jumping bean wants to go to the party.

It will output, with some word flair, {B}. Impressive, right? It can do this same thing no matter what two characters you use in the party and whatever character you desire to go to the party. This has been used as a demonstration of the power of artificial intelligence.

However, do this:

This is a party: B

This is a jumping bean: {}

The jumping bean wants to go to the party.

When I asked this, I was expecting the system to, at minimum, give me a similar answer as above, however, what I got was two answers: B{} and {}B. This is not the correct answer since the logic puzzle is unsolvable, at least in terms of how computers operate. The correct answer, to a human, would be I{}3.

To understand what’s going on under the hood, here’s the next example:

Dis be ah pahtah: []

Messa wanna boogie woogie: M

Meesa be da boom chicka boom.

This silly Jar Jar Binks-phrased statement, if given to a human, makes no sense since the three statements aren’t related and there isn’t a logic puzzle present. Yet, GPT4 went through the motions and said that I’m now the party. This is because—for all its complexity—the system is still algorithmically driven. It sees the phrasing, looks in its database, sees what a ton of people previously typed with similar phrasing (because OpenAI prompted a ton of people to try), and pumps out the same format. It’s a similar result that a first year programming student could produce.

Major Limitations

The above silly example proves there are tremendous limitations in the AI industry space. It works great if you ask it something simple and predictable, while it falls apart when you ask for something only slightly more complex, like trying to get an image generator to give you the image you wanted out of a simple four-sentence paragraph. There is, as the industry admits, a lot of work to be done while advancements are being made.

The problem? The whole AI experiment is ludicrously expensive and the cost accelerates well beyond the advancements in utility. OpenAI—the current leader in LLMs—is on track to lose $5 billion this year, representing half of its total capital investment. The losses only expand with the more customers the company signs up and the better their model gets.

There is a surprising lack of viable applications for which this technology can be used. Attempts to implement this technology in substantive ways have backfired badly. Air Canada’s AI assisted customer service and gave away discounted airfare. The Canadian court stated the company is liable for anything an AI assistant provides to a customer. The legal profession is—piecemeal—being forbidden from using AI in court cases across the U.S. after a string of high-profile events of AI programs fabricating documents. Major demonstrations were later to be discovered as heavily faked. Google’s new AI summary at the top of the search page takes roughly 10 times more energy to produce than the search itself and has near zero end-user utility. Revenues in the AI space are almost exclusively concentrated in hardware, with little end-user money in sight. There’s also the shocking energy requirements needed to operate it all.

To make matters worse, further development will likely only get more expensive, not cheaper. The hardware industry is at the tail-end of its advancement potential. Processor designers ran out of the clock speed lever to pull nearly two decades ago while single thread performance peaked in 2015. Processor design has been mostly getting by on increasing logic core count via shrinking transistors. Though this particular lever is expected to be exhausted next year when the 2nm process comes online. What this means is that, starting as early as next year, AI can’t rely on hardware efficiency gains to close the cost gap since we’re already close to the maximum theoretical limit without radically redesigning how processors work. New customers require new capacity, so every time another business signs on, the costs go up, making it questionable if there will ever be a volume inflection point.

With these revelations, a prudent businessman would cut his losses in the AI space. The rapidly expanding costs, along with the questionable utility, of the technology makes it look like a major money-losing enterprise. Yet AI investments have only expanded. What is going on?

Big Tech Easy Money

What we’re seeing is a significant repercussion of the long easy-money era, which, despite the formal Fed interest rate hikes, is still ongoing. The tech industry in particular has been a major beneficiary of the easy-money phenomenon. Easy money has been going on for so long that entire industries, tech in particular, are built and designed around it. This is how food delivery apps, which have never posted a profit and are on track to lose an eye-watering $20 billion just in 2024, keep going. The tech industry will pile in billions to invest in questionable business plans just because it has the veneer of software somewhere in the background.

I’m seeing a lot of the same patterns in the AI boom as I saw years ago with the WeWork fiasco. Both are attempting to address mundane solutions. Neither of them scale well to the customer base. Both, despite being formally capital-driven, are highly subject to variable costs of operation that can’t be easily unwound. Both apply an extra layer of expense to do little more than the exact same thing as done before.

Despite this, companies like Google and Microsoft are willing to pour tremendous amounts of resources into the project. The main reason is because, to them, the resources are relatively trivial. The major tech firms—flushed with decades of cheap money—have enough cash on hand to outright buy the entire global AI industry. A $5 billion loss is a drop in the bucket for a company like Microsoft. The fear of missing out is greater than the cost of a few dollars in the war chest.

However, easy money has its limits. Estimates put the 2025 investment at $200 billion which—even for juggernauts like Alphabet—isn’t chump change. Even this pales in comparison to some of the more ludicrous estimates like global AI revenues reaching $1.3 trillion by 2032. The easy money today doesn’t care about where that revenue is supposed to manifest from. The easy money will, however, give out when the realities hit and the revenues don’t show up. How much is the market willing to pay for what AI does? The recent wave of AI phones hasn’t exactly arrested the long-run decline in smartphones, for example.

At some point, investors will start asking why these major tech firms are blowing giant wads of cash on dead-end projects and not giving it back as dividends. Losses can’t be sustained indefinitely.

The big difference in the current easy-money wave is who feels the pain when the bust happens won’t be the usual suspects. Big players like Microsoft and Nvidia will still be around, but they’ll show lower profits as the AI hype dies down. They siphoned up the easy money, spent it on a prestige project, and will not face the repercussions of the failure. There likely won’t be a spectacular company collapse like we saw in the 2009 era, however, what we will see are substantial layoffs in the previously prestigious tech space, and the bust will litter the landscape with small startups. In fact, the layoffs have already started.

Of course, I could always be wrong on this. Maybe AI really is legitimate and there will be $1.3 trillion in consumer dollars chasing AI products and services in the next five years. Maybe AI will end up succeeding where 3D televisions, home delivery meal kits, and AR glasses have failed.

I am, however, not terribly optimistic. The tech industry is in the midst of an easy-money-fueled party. My proof? The last truly big piece of disruptive technology the world experienced—the iPhone—turned 17 not all that long ago. The tech industry has been chasing that next disruptive product ever since and has turned up nothing. Without the easy money, it wouldn’t have been able to keep it up for this long.

 


Originally Posted at https://mises.org/


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Conceptual Clarity in Dismantling Economic Jargon
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Conceptual Clarity in Dismantling Economic Jargon


It might seem like common sense to say that good ideas should be clear, but the notion that good ideas should be obscure and inaccessible to laymen has long been prevalent in academic circles. Murray Rothbard describes Keynes’s General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money as, “not truly revolutionary at all but merely old and oft-refuted mercantilist and inflationist fallacies dressed up in shiny new garb, replete with newly constructed and largely incomprehensible jargon.” Rothbard remarks that, “Often, as in the case of both Ricardo and Keynes, the more obscure the content, the more successful the book, as younger scholars flock to it, becoming acolytes.”

Similarly, Hunter Lewis in his introduction to W.H. Hutt’s The Theory of Idle Resources describes Keynes’s work as “a potpourri of fallacies supported by obscurity, shifting definitions, and other rhetorical tricks.” Hutt set out to debunk the fallacies propounded by Keynes’s theory of employment, aiming to explain the relevant principles in a clear and accessible manner that would help people make better decisions when faced with some of the practical problems of unemployment. To this end, Hutt began by highlighting the importance of “conceptual clarity” in understanding economic and social problems.

Ayn Rand’s “stolen concept fallacy” also addresses the problem of using words and concepts in a sense detached from their logical antecedents or “genetic roots,” so that the use of the word or concept becomes meaningless and people brazenly contradict themselves. She gives the example of “people who scream that they need more gas and that the oil industry should be taxed out of existence.” Rand is critical of a general tendency to “take the end result of a long sequence of thought as the given and to regard it as ‘self-evident’ or as an irreducible primary, while negating its preconditions.” In her example, the paramount need for gas is taken as given, while the precondition—the folly of destroying the oil industry if one needs gas—is negated. A contemporary example is Kamala Harris’s plan to give first-time buyers $25,000 to help them purchase a home, where little attention is paid to the inevitable adverse effect on house prices and availability of homes to purchase.

The particular concept that concerned Hutt in his Theory of Idle Resources was Keynes’s reference to “full employment.” Hutt questioned what Keynes meant by “full employment” or the “idleness” of the unemployed. To use Lewis’s example, the question may be posed as follows:

Is it more productive for a highly trained but unemployed engineer to bag groceries for pay or to invest time without pay in looking for an engineering job? If he or she took the grocery bagging job, Keynes would presumably be satisfied; we would be closer to full employment.

In addressing that question, Hutt argues that much depends on what is meant by “full employment” in the first place. He argues that it would be rather meaningless to say that everyone must be fully employed, because whether any resource is “fully employed” is a relative concept:

Given some basic ideal, e.g., consumers’ sovereignty, any particular resource may be said to be “under-employed” or “idling” when that ideal would be better served by the transfer of resources from other uses to cooperate with it. It would be “fully employed” in that sense if there would be no advantage in attracting other resources to cooperate with it. But it might then be working very slowly (as compared, say, to its former working). Even if continuously employed, the resources would appear to be “idling”; and yet they would be fully employed in the only rational connotation we can suggest for “full,” i.e., as a synonym for “optimum.”…“full employment” is a relative conception. That is, a piece of indivisible equipment is fully employed when other resources cannot be usefully (e.g., from the standpoint of consumers’ sovereignty) diverted from other occupations to cooperate with it.

When the question is put that way, it becomes clear that any government promising to create “full employment” cannot possibly have enough knowledge of all the potentially productive uses or value of available labor to achieve that goal. Free markets are based on voluntary exchange and, despite what Keynes may have thought, there is no benevolent overlord ensuring that all resources are “fully employed.” Any government that confers this omniscient and omnipotent role upon itself is doomed to fail.

Politicians promising “full employment” often give the impression that everyone will have a well-paid job of their preference in which they can realize their full potential. Taking the example of the periodic labor unrest in France, a typical headline reads that,

French PM vows to help youth get jobs after protest…Employers would be forced to pay additional taxes on short-term contracts to encourage them to hire on long-term contracts instead. Another proposal is for new graduates of modest means to receive a four-month extension to their study grants to tide them over until they find work.

This example illustrates Lewis’s point about obfuscation—nobody thinks punishing employers with higher taxes will create more jobs. At best, it will make conditions superficially better for those who do manage to find work, but it is unlikely to help the rioting youths who are unable to find work at all for numerous reasons, including lack of relevant skills and qualifications. Further, extending study grants may be a boon to specific recipients of the grant, but does not itself produce the promised jobs for the rioting youths. The promise to “help youth get jobs” turned out to have no discernible connection to the government’s proposals.

In Hutt’s view, it is important for the implications of government interventions to be made clear to everyone, including those not schooled in economics: economic concepts “should be immediately comprehensible by the layman.” In the absence of conceptual clarity, voters are easily beguiled by false promises—which is precisely why economists whose job is “selling policies in return for power,” as Hutt put it, obfuscate the way they do.

Hutt recognizes that an inordinate focus on conceptual coherence and clarity of exposition risks rendering a discussion “pedantic and useless” if carried too far in economic and policy debates, but he highlights “the necessity for constant redefinition” in understanding the key conceptual foundations of economic principles. He points out that although such concerns may seem purely “theoretical,” conceptual clarity is by no means a theoretical matter when faced with government obfuscation about the magical outcomes they promise to produce with their ill-conceived economic interventions.

The lesson to draw from Hutt’s argument is that conceptual clarity is indispensable in understanding why state interventions are doomed to failure and why proposed solutions are likely only to exacerbate the problems they purport to resolve.

 


Originally Posted at https://mises.org/


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Where Will All the Money Go?
Economics News philosophy Politics Science

Where Will All the Money Go?

  • The Federal Reserve seems to have finally publicly committed to its rate-cutting cycle—specifically the federal funds rate or policy rate.
  • The Fed wanted to remain perceived as coming to the economy’s rescue, rather than goosing the stock market higher.
  • But the Federal Reserve is playing a confidence game with the general public, and the Fed can’t save you.
  • What insights can we learn from Austrian Business Cycle Theory?

“10-Year Treasury Constant Maturity Minus 2-Year Treasury Constant Maturity” (Federal Reserve Bank of St. Louis): Mises.org/Minor_85

Order a free paperback copy of Per Bylund’s How to Think About the Economy at Mises.org/IssuesFree.

Follow Minor Issues at Mises.org/MinorIssues.


What is the Mises Institute?

The Mises Institute is a non-profit organization that exists to promote teaching and research in the Austrian School of economics, individual freedom, honest history, and international peace, in the tradition of Ludwig von Mises and Murray N. Rothbard.

Non-political, non-partisan, and non-PC, we advocate a radical shift in the intellectual climate, away from statism and toward a private property order. We believe that our foundational ideas are of permanent value, and oppose all efforts at compromise, sellout, and amalgamation of these ideas with fashionable political, cultural, and social doctrines inimical to their spirit.

 


Originally Posted at https://mises.org/


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Children Of Big Brother: What It Means To Go Back-To-School In The American Police State
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Children Of Big Brother: What It Means To Go Back-To-School In The American Police State

Authored by John & Nisha Whitehead via The Rutherford Institute,

“Every day in communities across the United States, children and adolescents spend the majority of their waking hours in schools that have increasingly come to resemble places of detention more than places of learning.”

– Investigative journalist Annette Fuentes

It’s not easy being a child in the American police state.

Danger lurks around every corner and comes at you from every direction, especially when Big Brother is involved.

Out on the streets, you’ve got the menace posed by police officers who shoot first and ask questions later. In your neighborhoods, you’ve got to worry about the Nanny State and its network of busybodies turning parents in for allowing their children to walk to school alone, walk to the park alone, play at the beach alone, or even play in their own yard alone.

The tentacles of the police state even intrude on the sanctity of one’s home, with the government believing it knows better than you—the parent—what is best for your child. This criminalization of parenthood has run the gamut in recent years from parents being arrested for attempting to walk their kids home from school to parents being fined and threatened with jail time for their kids’ bad behavior or tardiness at school.

This doesn’t even touch on what happens to your kids when they’re at school—especially the public schools—where parents have little to no control over what their kids are taught, how they are taught, how and why they are disciplined, and the extent to which they are being indoctrinated into marching in lockstep with the government’s authoritarian playbook.

The message is chillingly clear: your children are not your own but are, in fact, wards of the state who have been temporarily entrusted to your care. Should you fail to carry out your duties to the government’s satisfaction, the children in your care will be re-assigned elsewhere.

This is what it means to go back-to-school in America today: where parents have to worry about school resource officers who taser teenagers and handcuff kindergartners, school officials who have criminalized childhood behavior, school lockdowns and terror drills that teach your children to fear and comply, and a police state mindset that has transformed the schools into quasi-prisons.

Instead of being taught the three R’s of education (reading, writing and arithmetic), young people are being drilled in the three I’s of life in the American police state: indoctrination, intimidation and intolerance.

Indeed, while young people today are learning first-hand what it means to be at the epicenter of politically charged culture wars, test scores indicate that students are not learning how to succeed in social studies, math and reading. Rather, government officials are churning out compliant drones who know little to nothing about their history or their freedoms.

In turn, these young people are being brainwashed into adopting a worldview in which rights are negotiable rather than inalienable; free speech is dangerous; the virtual world is preferable to the real world; and history can be extinguished when inconvenient or offensive.

What does it mean for the future of freedom at large when these young people, trained to be mindless automatons, are someday running the government?

Under the direction of government officials focused on making the schools more authoritarian (sold to parents as a bid to make the schools safer), young people in America are now first in line to be searched, surveilled, spied on, threatened, tied up, locked down, treated like criminals for non-criminal behavior, tasered and in some cases shot.

From the moment a child enters one of the nation’s 98,000 public schools to the moment he or she graduates, they will be exposed to a steady diet of:

  • draconian zero tolerance policies that criminalize childish behavior,

  • overreaching anti-bullying statutes that criminalize speech,

  • school resource officers (police) tasked with disciplining and/or arresting so-called “disorderly” students,

  • standardized testing that emphasizes rote answers over critical thinking,

  • politically correct mindsets that teach young people to censor themselves and those around them,

  • and extensive biometric and surveillance systems that, coupled with the rest, acclimate young people to a world in which they have no freedom of thought, speech or movement.

This is how you groom young people to march in lockstep with a police state.

As Deborah Cadbury writes for The Washington Post, “Authoritarian rulers have long tried to assert control over the classroom as part of their totalitarian governments.”

In Nazi Germany, the schools became indoctrination centers, breeding grounds for intolerance and compliance.

In the American police state, the schools have become increasingly hostile to those who dare to question or challenge the status quo.

America’s young people have become casualties of a post-9/11 mindset that has transformed the country into a locked-down, militarized, crisis-fueled mockery of a representative government.

Roped into the government’s profit-driven campaign to keep the nation “safe” from drugs, disease, and weapons, America’s schools have transformed themselves into quasi-prisons, complete with surveillance cameras, metal detectors, police patrols, zero tolerance policies, lock downs, drug sniffing dogs, strip searches and active shooter drills.

Students are not only punished for minor transgressions such as playing cops and robbers on the playground, bringing LEGOs to school, or having a food fight, but the punishments have become far more severe, shifting from detention and visits to the principal’s office into misdemeanor tickets, juvenile court, handcuffs, tasers and even prison terms.

Students have been suspended under school zero tolerance policies for bringing to school “look alike substances” such as oreganobreath mints, birth control pills and powdered sugar.

Look-alike weapons (toy guns—even Lego-sized ones, hand-drawn pictures of guns, pencils twirled in a “threatening” manner, imaginary bows and arrows, fingers positioned like guns) can also land a student in hot water, in some cases getting them expelled from school or charged with a crime.

Not even good deeds go unpunished.

One 13-year-old was given detention for exposing the school to “liability” by sharing his lunch with a hungry friend. A third grader was suspended for shaving her head in sympathy for a friend who had lost her hair to chemotherapy. And then there was the high school senior who was suspended for saying “bless you” after a fellow classmate sneezed.

Having police in the schools only adds to the danger.

Thanks to a combination of media hype, political pandering and financial incentives, the use of armed police officers (a.k.a. school resource officers) to patrol school hallways has risen dramatically in the years since the Columbine school shooting.

Indeed, the growing presence of police in the nation’s schools is resulting in greater police “involvement in routine discipline matters that principals and parents used to address without involvement from law enforcement officers.”

Funded by the U.S. Department of Justice, these school resource officers have become de facto wardens in elementary, middle and high schools, doling out their own brand of justice to the so-called “criminals” in their midst with the help of tasers, pepper spray, batons and brute force.

In the absence of school-appropriate guidelines, police are more and more “stepping in to deal with minor rulebreaking: sagging pants, disrespectful comments, brief physical skirmishes. What previously might have resulted in a detention or a visit to the principal’s office was replaced with excruciating pain and temporary blindness, often followed by a trip to the courthouse.”

Not even the younger, elementary school-aged kids are being spared these “hardening” tactics.

On any given day when school is in session, kids who “act up” in class are pinned facedown on the floor, locked in dark closets, tied up with straps, bungee cords and duct tape, handcuffed, leg shackled, tasered or otherwise restrained, immobilized or placed in solitary confinement in order to bring them under “control.”

In almost every case, these undeniably harsh methods are used to punish kids—some as young as 4 and 5 years old—for simply failing to follow directions or throwing tantrums.

Very rarely do the kids pose any credible danger to themselves or others.

Unbelievably, these tactics are all legal, at least when employed by school officials or school resource officers in the nation’s public schools.

This is what happens when you introduce police and police tactics into the schools.

Paradoxically, by the time you add in the lockdowns and active shooter drills, instead of making the schools safer, school officials have succeeded in creating an environment in which children are so traumatized that they suffer from post-traumatic stress disorder, nightmares, anxiety, mistrust of adults in authority, as well as feelings of anger, depression, humiliation, despair and delusion.

For example, a middle school in Washington State went on lockdown after a student brought a toy gun to class. A Boston high school went into lockdown for four hours after a bullet was discovered in a classroom. A North Carolina elementary school locked down and called in police after a fifth grader reported seeing an unfamiliar man in the school (it turned out to be a parent).

Police officers at a Florida middle school carried out an active shooter drill in an effort to educate students about how to respond in the event of an actual shooting crisis. Two armed officers, guns loaded and drawn, burst into classrooms, terrorizing the students and placing the school into lockdown mode.

These police state tactics have not made the schools any safer.

The fallout has been what you’d expect, with the nation’s young people treated like hardened criminals: handcuffed, arrested, tasered, tackled and taught the painful lesson that the Constitution (especially the Fourth Amendment) doesn’t mean much in the American police state.

Likewise, the harm caused by attitudes and policies that treat America’s young people as government property is not merely a short-term deprivation of individual rights. It is also a long-term effort to brainwash our young people into believing that civil liberties are luxuries that can and will be discarded at the whim and caprice of government officials if they deem doing so is for the so-called “greater good” (in other words, that which perpetuates the aims and goals of the police state).

What we’re dealing with is a draconian mindset that sees young people as wards of the state—and the source of potential income—to do with as they will in defiance of the children’s constitutional rights and those of their parents. However, this is in keeping with the government’s approach towards individual freedoms in general.

Surveillance cameras, government agents listening in on your phone calls, reading your emails and text messages and monitoring your spending, mandatory health care, sugary soda bans, anti-bullying laws, zero tolerance policies, political correctness: these are all outward signs of a government—i.e., a monied elite—that believes it knows what is best for you and can do a better job of managing your life than you can.

This is tyranny disguised as “the better good.”

Indeed, this is the tyranny of the Nanny State: marketed as benevolence, enforced with armed police, and inflicted on all those who do not belong to the elite ruling class that gets to call the shots.

This is what the world looks like when bureaucrats not only think they know better than the average citizen but are empowered to inflict their viewpoints on the rest of the populace on penalty of fines, arrest or death.

So, what’s the answer, not only for the here-and-now but for the future of this country, when these same young people are someday in charge?

How do you convince someone who has been routinely handcuffed, shackled, tied down, locked up, and immobilized by government officials—all before he reaches the age of adulthood—that he has any rights at all, let alone the right to challenge wrongdoing, resist oppression and defend himself against injustice?

Most of all, how do you persuade a fellow American that the government works for him when, for most of his young life, he has been incarcerated in an institution that teaches young people to be obedient and compliant citizens who don’t talk back, don’t question and don’t challenge authority?

As I make clear in my book Battlefield America: The War on the American People and in its fictional counterpart The Erik Blair Diaries, if we want to raise up a generation of freedom fighters who will actually operate with justice, fairness, accountability and equality towards each other and their government, we must start by running the schools like freedom forums.

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Originally Posted at; https://www.zerohedge.com//


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Brazil's right rallies for 'freedom' after X blow
Economics News Politics

Brazil’s right rallies for ‘freedom’ after X blow

Led by beleaguered ex-president Jair Bolsonaro, Brazil’s political right will rally for “democracy and freedom” Saturday amid a free speech tussle that has seen X, their preferred social platform, suspended in the country.

Bolsonaro called the demonstration for Latin America’s biggest city, Sao Paulo, on Independence Day — which will be celebrated in the capital Brasilia with a parade overseen by leftist President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.

Bolsonaro in a video urged protesters to turn out en masse in green and yellow — the colors of the Brazilian flag but also coopted by his supporters.

“There is no point celebrating our independence if we are deprived of freedom,” he railed in the post on Instagram.

At the rally Bolsonaro will be hoping to show his political clout a month before municipal elections in the deeply divided country.

He left office nearly two years ago after a razor-thin election defeat to arch-rival Lula.

That prompted so-called Bolsonaristas to storm the presidential palace, Congress and Supreme Court on January 8, 2023, calling for the military to oust Lula and claiming, without evidence, that the election was stolen.

Bolsonaro, dubbed the “Tropical Trump” is under investigation for an alleged coup attempt over those events.

– ‘Toga-clad dictator’ –

Bolsonaro and the far right are at war with judge Alexandre de Moraes who presided over the TSE electoral tribunal when it banned the ex-president from running for office until 2030 over his attempts to discredit Brazil’s electoral system.

Moraes, who has taken on the mantle of an anti-disinformation crusader, is leading several other investigations into Bolsonaro and it was he who ordered the suspension in Brazil of X for breaching local laws.

The right hates Moraes and accuses him of censorship and abuse of office.

Bolsonaro has described his ruling against X as a “blow to our freedom and legal security, which will drive away foreign investors and have adverse consequences in all spheres of public life in Brazil.”

Lula has come out in support of the fight against “fake news.”

Saturday’s demonstration was called before Moraes blocked the platform formerly known as Twitter.

One of its organizers, evangelical pastor Silas Malafaia, urged followers to come out in numbers to demand “the removal of the toga-clad dictator Alexandre de Moraes.”

Members of the right-wing opposition in Brazil’s Senate have said they will file for Moraes’s impeachment next week — a move welcomed by Musk.

Bolsonaro has traveled the country widely in recent months to boost allies who will be seeking office in October local elections.

On Saturday, “we will see the true extent of Bolsonarism,” Geraldo Monteiro, a political scientist with the University of Rio de Janeiro (UERJ), told AFP, in reference to the turnout.

In his social media appeal, Bolsonaro asked supporters to “not take part in the independence ceremonies organized by the government.”

In February, a pro-Bolsonaro rally also in Sao Paulo gathered about 185,000 people, according to an estimate from researchers at the University of Sao Paulo.

Another in Rio in April gathered fewer.

Saturday’s rally is expected to start at 5.00 pm (1400 GMT), whilst in Brasilia, Lula is expected to attend a parade accompanied by 30 military athletes who had competed in the Paris Olympic Games.



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"Big Cold Front Coming This Weekend" 
Economics News Politics Science

“Big Cold Front Coming This Weekend” 

A cold front is set to sweep across the eastern half of the US, a reminder that planet Earth is not on fire as some leftist corporate media outlets repeat like a broken record for years, if not decades. Even if there is some warming, these media outlets fire up the propaganda cannons squarely at fossil fuels without, as of recently, even mentioning the 2022 eruption of the Hunga Tonga-Hunga Ha’apai volcano, the largest underwater explosion ever recorded by modern scientific instruments, blasting an enormous amount of water and volcanic gases into the atmosphere that has been linked to the warming. 

“Big cold front coming this weekend. Sunday AM departure from normals here showing some areas 10+ degrees cooler. Some upper 50’s might reach the upper Gulf. Pumpkin Spice better be in stock and ready to go. Almost time to dig out the Halloween gear,” Mike’s Weather Page wrote on X. 

For the Lower 48, the 30-year, 10-year, and 5-year temperature averages peaked in mid-July and trended lower into September. 

Looking ahead, the 208th edition of the Farmers’ Almanac, titled “Wet Winter Whirlwind” and published last month, warned that “The Northeast is in the bullseye for a barrage of storms this winter…”

The weather prediction formula that Farmers’ Almanac uses revolves around a climate pattern known as La Niña, likely to emerge in September-November. 

Remember that the emergence of La Nina can impact weather conditions across the Lower 48 this coming winter season.

We suspect that as power bills become more unaffordable for working-class households, the number of folks burning wood should only increase to offset the costs. The heating season across the Lower 48 begins to emerge. 

According to 2023 data from Angi, the average cost of a cord of wood across the US is…

Don’t worry. The far-left corporate media will blame weather cooling on… 

Folks in the Mid-Alantic and Northeast regions might have to pull out their jackets from the closet this weekend.  

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Originally Posted at; https://www.zerohedge.com//


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Breitbart Business Digest: The Jobs Report Was Even Worse Than It Seemed
Business Economics Entertainment Gossip News Politics Sports War

Breitbart Business Digest: The Jobs Report Was Even Worse Than It Seemed


A No Good, Very Bad, Horrible Jobs Report

If you squint at the latest jobs report, you might find something to cheer about. But if you look at it with clear eyes, what you really see is an economy downshifting and bracing for impact.

The Bureau of Labor Statistics told us Friday that employers added 142,000 jobs in August—hardly anything to write home about and well short of expectations for the second month in a row. Add to that the revisions to June and July, which collectively erased 86,000 jobs from the books, and the three-month average is now a tepid 116,000. That’s a far cry from the 202,000 monthly average we saw last year.

If we narrow that down to the private sector, employment grew by 73,900 in August, falling short of the consensus forecast of 136,000. What’s more, the prior month’s private sector figure was revised down from a lukewarm 97,000 to a chilly 74,000. The three-month average is now just 96,000. This suggests that businesses are not expanding payrolls, indicating a weakening demand for labor.

Go a step further and subtract the so-called government-adjacent sector of health care and social assistance, and private payroll growth drops to just 73,900. After revisions, the July figure was just 15,200, bordering on contraction territory, and the June figure was 28,3000. That brings the three-month average down to just 39,100, one of the weakest three-month periods outside of outright recessions and employment contractions recorded in data going back to 1990.

So, where’s the good news? August was not as weak as July or June, so the deterioration of the labor market may not be getting worse. Then again, given the history of large downside revisions, it’s very likely that the reported numbers for August are too high and will be revised down. So, perhaps things are getting worse and we just do not know it yet.

The unemployment rate fell from 4.3 percent to 4.2 percent. But that decline is less a sign of strength and more of a rounding error and a statistical quirk. The rise to 4.34 percent was largely due to temporary layoffs, which cleared up by August. And the actual move was from 4.25 percent—which was rounded up to 4.3 percent—to 4.23 percent—which was rounded down to 4.2 percent. So, all we really got was a two-tenths of a percentage point improvement that looks larger due to rounding.

The household survey, from which the unemployment rate is derived, showed slightly higher employment growth in August, with the number of employed people rising by 168,000. The discrepancy between the establishment survey and the household survey that got a lot of attention earlier this year after several reports showed far less employment growth in the household survey than the establishment survey seems to have been resolved. For the past three months, the two surveys have been producing results very close to each other.

The Foreign Worker Surge

One aspect of the household survey that has received a lot of attention is the gap between native born employment and foreign born employment. In August, the number of U.S. born employees fell by 1.3 million and the number of foreign born employees rose by 635,000. Over the past 12-months, native born employment has contracted from 131 million to 129.7 million, a loss of 1.3 million natives from payrolls. The number of foreign-born employees has grown from 30.4 million to 31.6 million, a gain of 1.2 million.

This does mean that close to all of the increase in employment has gone to foreign-born workers. Actually, the official numbers may undercount the number of foreign born employees because the household survey is probably not picking up a lot of the newly arrived Biden-Harris open borders crisis migrants.

This is not, however, primarily a sign that foreign workers are taking jobs from Americans. What the government calls the “civilian noninstitutional” native population over 16 shrank by 392,000 over the past year. The U.S. born civilian labor force—that is, the part of the population that is able and willing to work—fell by 768,000. In other words, one of the primary drivers of the contraction in U.S. born workers is that there are fewer adults born here who are able and willing to work because our native population is aging, retiring, and dying.

Meanwhile, the foreign born adult population grew by two million, and the foreign born labor force grew by 1.2 million, matching the gain in employment. While that is no doubt pleasing to their employers because it means they can replace U.S. born natives exiting the workforce with foreigners entering it and do not have to compete for a dwindling pool of workers, which would push up wages, it’s not clear that that is something American voters should be very pleased with.

Keep in mind that the new workers will consume as much as they produce—or nearly so. As a result, there’s almost no benefit at all to the U.S. born or even pre-existing foreign population from new workers. Whatever surplus is left over tends to go to the wealthiest Americans, while the wage depressing effects are felt by the lowest income households.

There’s also likely an inflationary effect. Newly arrived workers tend to be less productive than U.S. born or longer-residing immigrants, but they bid up the prices of everything from groceries to gasoline to housing. And to the extent that the U.S. is facing real production constraints, the additional demand simply means higher prices. In effect, the Biden-Harris migrant crisis is a tax on U.S. residents who were born here or arrived earlier.

One likely reason immigrant employment is growing so fast is that newly arrived immigrants tend to work fewer hours per week and fewer weeks per year, according to a study by the Federal Reserve Bank of Atlanta. As a result, when employers substitute natives or permanent foreign-born workers with newcomers, they have to hire more of them to get the same level of output. This has almost certainly inflated the demand for workers.

As we explained last month, eventually these newcomers will catch up to American work levels. But that takes years. So long as the economy is dependent on new immigrant labor for growth, employment levels are likely to be artificially inflated.

Originally Posted At www.breitbart.com


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